ECtHR: Osman Kavala must be released as soon as possible

25 August 2026

Despite being acquitted of Gezi Park charges in Feb. 2020, Kavala remained in prison, as a new charge of “espionage” was levied from the same initial investigation.  

In his statement, Kavala said that previous ECtHR rulings establish that there is no evidence of him committing any crimes. He also said that fundamental human rights and the rule of law require not restricting the rights of individuals without solid evidence that a crime was actually committed. 

A comprehensive legal summary of the ECtHR Grand Chamber’s judgment in Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2)

25 August 2026

Kavala’s full statement:

The Grand Chamber judgment that the ECtHR delivered regarding me covers the examination of the conviction process. In this decision as well, just as in the two ECtHR decisions prior to this, it was emphasized that the right to live freely cannot be restricted without convincing concrete evidence showing that a crime has been committed. In the acquittal decision rendered in 2020 within the scope of the first Gezi trial, the fact that there was no evidence of me having committed a crime was also established. 

With its latest judgment, the ECtHR effectively stated that the understanding that courts can issue conviction decisions based on general evaluations regarding events and reasoning involving intent-reading about the purpose of activities is unacceptable. 

That the right of people who do not engage in an act deemed a crime by law to live freely cannot be restricted is a fundamental human rights principle. The protection of this right and ensuring absolute adherence to this principle in the public sphere is also the obligation of the rule of law toward citizens. 

Compliance with ECtHR judgments is primarily concerned with the fulfillment of this obligation, and is necessary for it.

(HA/İK)

Ali, who survived the operation, had arrived in Adana about 40 days ago to work and provide for his remaining family members, including an ill brother. However, it wouldn’t be long before he met the same fate as his father.

Following a heated argument between two children, one Syrian and one Turkish, Ali intervened to calm the children down. After the crowd had dispersed, the Turkish boy’s father showed up to the scrapyard twice to attack Ali, shooting him two times and ultimately killing him. Ali’s cousin Hammud El Hammud believes that racism played a role. 

According to El Hammud, Ali was loading scrap metal into the back of a pickup truck parked in front of the metal yard when he saw two children arguing. A 5-year-old Syrian boy was wearing a t-shirt with the Syrian flag on it and an older 15-year-old boy from Turkey demanded the 5-year-old take his shirt off. 

Ali's cousin’s El Hammud said the following to Bianet: 

Ali and another child he worked with intervened and tried to calm the Turkish child down. The parties left the scene; Ali and his friend continued working. A short time later, the Turkish child along with his mother and father came to the scrap yard and assaulted Ali and the other child. Neighborhood residents intervened and calmed the family down. However, after a while, the father, coming back again in a white car, fired two shots toward Ali, who was loading scrap on top of the pickup truck. Ali was shot in his waist and leg. Taken to the hospital, Ali could not be saved despite all medical intervention.

Adana Provincial Police Department said they are still working to capture the perpetrator, who fled the scene. However, the case’s lawyer said the police have obtained a photo of the shooter.  

Ali crossed into Turkey from the Akçakale Border Gate before finding work at the scrapyard and sending money to his mother, ill brother and two sisters aged 8 and 10-years-old respectively. 

El Hammud said that they had experienced some threats, but that the family would not give up on pursuing justice. He said: 

They sent word. They reportedly said, 'Let them send the child's body to Syria and withdraw their complaint as well. Otherwise we will kill everyone.' The state must look into this incident. The child had just come to work. Just because two children fought, why did they kill him? We will not give up until justice is served. His mother and siblings are devastated.

(FY/İK)

The heart attack took place after a particularly tense meeting with the prison’s Administrative and Monitoring Board this week, where they delayed the prisoner’s release for the fourth time — now for another three months. Yıldırım accused the board of attempting to execute a de-facto death penalty through the delay.

After the meeting, Yıldırım returned to his cell and had a heart attack.

Seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım suffers heart attack

26 August 2026

Based on these events, Eren requested an investigation on whether there was a connection between the practices held in the board meeting and the heart attack. Additionally, the MP asked for clarification on what criteria the board uses to decide releases and what prevents it from acting like "parallel courts.”

The inquiry also asked about the alleged attempt to handcuff Yıldırım to his hospital bed.

Yıldırım suffers from heart disease, hypertension, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, arteriosclerosis, a cervical disc hernia, lung problems and has difficulty speaking, which obstruct his daily activities.

He was sent to İzmir City Hospital after his recent heart attack where they placed two stents on his heart. Yıldırım’s lawyer reported that he is now in good condition.

Yıldırım’s advocates have argued that he will not be able to receive the regular treatment his health conditions require while inside prison. Meanwhile, the board has justified Yıldırım’s continued detention on account of a lack of “good behavior” and “remorse” over his actions. 

(VC/İK)

Following the public backlash, the Aydın Chief Public Prosecutor's Office initiated an investigation on charges of "publicly disseminating misleading information," regulated under Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code. 

According to ANKA News Agency, the four journalists taken by the police were the newspaper's representative Emin Aydın, Managing Editor Yeşim Ülker, reporter İslam Keleş, and İrem Delice.  

Following procedures at the police station the four journalists were brought to Aydın Courthouse and released on condition of judicial control.

(HA/İK)

Emir Karakum bu aktivistlerden biriydi ve bugüne kadar hâlâ gözaltında tutulmaktadır. Şu anda Silivri Hapishanesi'nde bulunmaktadır. Karakum, NATO zirvesinden önce İspanya'nın Barselona kentinde düzenlenen "Halk Birliği Zirvesi"ne katılımı nedeniyle gözaltına alındığını iddia etmektedir. Gözaltıları "emperyalizm karşıtı bir av" olarak nitelendirmiştir.

Karakum'un mektubu, aynı soruşturma kapsamında tutuklanan NATO karşıtı aktivistlerin birçoğunun karşılaştığı koşulları, sağlık durumlarını, ailelerinden ayrı kalmalarını ve hapishanede maruz kaldıkları insan hakları ihlallerini ayrıntılarıyla anlatıyor.

Mektup: 

“Bu mektubu tutukluluğumuzun 53. gününde yazıyorum. NATO tutsakları olarak esaretimiz devam ediyor. Haziran ayında, dünyanın halklarının katili NATO'nun 7-8 Temmuz'da Ankara'ya geleceği gerekçesiyle anti-emperyalist bir av başlatılmıştı. 

 22 Haziran'da gözaltına alındık ve 26 Haziran'da birçok anti-emperyalist arkadaşımızla birlikte tutuklandık. Bu satırları Silivri Hapishanesinden yazarken, bugün kötü bir haber aldık.

 Birlikte tutuklandığımız arkadaşımız Hüseyin Kütük'ün babası kanserden vefat etti. Babası, oğlunun yanında tedavi görmek için Antep'ten İstanbul'a gelmişti. Uzun zamandır oğlunu görememişti, oğlu da babasını görememişti.

 23 Haziran'da babasının hemen yanında gözaltına alınan Hüseyin Kütük, NATO soruşturması nedeniyle 26 Haziran'da tutuklandı. Artık düğmeye basıldı. Hükümet, mümkün olan her fırsatta hiçbir anti-emperyalisti serbest bırakmayacak.

 Hüseyin babasının cenazesine katılamadı; bunun sebebi hükümetin talimatıyla hareket eden Ceza Sulh Ceza Hakimlikleri'dir.

 **

Let me mention another friend of mine who is a NATO detainee. Dursun Göktaş from Bakırköy Closed Women's Prison. She had dedicated her years to the struggle, and had contracted cancer during this struggle process. When she was about to recover, political operations would not allow her.

 While on the outside, even when it was difficult, she had gotten her hospital affairs on track. As you know, while you’re in this health system, especially if you have cancer, finding treatment and means is difficult. She had overcome these difficulties and gotten things in order, only for the government to arrest Dursun Göktaş thinking, "The more detentions, the more praise from Trump."

 **

Let me mention another NATO detainee, our Mother Nagihan. She had gone to Silivri 7–8 months ago to see her daughter, a Grup Yorum worker. On the way back, the bus crashed from hitting the barriers. Mother Nagihan broke her hip bone in this accident, undergoing a treatment process while unable to leave the house for 4–5 months. Before the process was over, she was arrested due to the NATO investigation.

 Why was Mother Nagihan arrested? Because she had embraced not only her children, but all political prisoners.

 Her example would not please imperialism, so what would happen was obvious. Just because NATO was coming, just to serve as a deterrent example, Mother Nagihan was going to be arrested.

 **

I would like to mention another NATO detainee, Selda Özçelik, who is held in Bakırköy.

 I don't know, do you have any friends from Antakya? The love of their homeland I have seen from every person from Antakya is endless. And Selda Özçelik's love for Antakya is something else entirely. When Antakya is mentioned, her eyes sparkle. Especially when she goes from Istanbul to Antakya, to her hometown, upon return she is completely different.

 She rejoices as if you gave her the whole world. If you wonder why she is in Istanbul despite so much love [for Anktakya], the Arab girl who left her homeland to come here is here because she loves her people so much. 

 The government, saying "So you are the one who leaves her beautiful homeland and goes to Istanbul? In that case, we need to increase the numbers," was thinking — the more anti-imperialists, the more colonial continuation of the government.

 On Thursday, August 6, Selda Özçelik began an indefinite hunger strike in order to support her friends in Silivri No. 6 Prison who have been resisting for over 100 days for the removal of cameras monitoring prisoners in common areas from their toilets to where they eat and drink.

 **

Another NATO detainee is Ümit Çobanoğlu, Bianet has given space to his cartoons on well-type prisons many times. Çobanoğlu had drawn hundreds of cartoons exposing the policies of imperialism.

 NATO is coming so keeping someone so opposed to imperialism outside could disturb Trump's comfort. So as not to disturb Trump’s comfort, Ümit Çobanoğlu was arrested.

 **

NATO esirlerinden bir diğeri olan Doğan İncesu, Gayrettepe'de çıkan yangında hayatını kaybeden 29 işçinin avukatlığını yapıyordu. İncesu, tüm ezilenlerin avukatıydı. İyi tip hapishanelere karşı 266 gün açlık grevi yapan müvekkili Gürkan Türkoğlu'nun avukatıydı. Gürkan'ı hayatta tutmak için canla başla çalıştı. Ne yazık ki, sessizlik Gürkan'ın ölümüne yol açtı. Bugün herkesin dilinde Amerikan tarzı iyi tip hapishaneler varsa, bu Doğan İncesu'nun canla başla çalışması sayesindedir.

 O, emperyalizm için rol model olan bir avukat değildi. Doğal olarak, anti-emperyalist ağa bir avukat daha eklenmesi gerekiyordu ve avukat Doğan İncesu da tutuklandı.

Şimdi hepiniz onun hapiste ne yaptığını soracaksınız. O, ezilenlerin avukatı olarak hizmet etmeye devam ediyor. Çünkü o, "Avukat ölse bile, mezarda haklarını arar" diyenlerin geleneğinden geliyor.

 **

Tutukluluğumuzun ikinci ayı önümüzdeki hafta sona ereceği için, Ceza Sulh Ceza Mahkemesi'nde hakim karşısına çıkacağız. Bağımsız olarak görmediğimiz bu mahkemelerde savunma sunmayacağız.

Sevgili Bianet, sadece biz NATO tutsakları değil, tüm siyasi tutsaklar hapishanelerde hak ihlallerine maruz kalmaktadır. 

Komplo dosyalarıyla tutuklanıyoruz. Ailelerimizin en zor günlerinde yanlarında olamıyoruz. Sadece biz değil, ailelerimiz de cezalandırılıyor. Sosyalist tutsaklar olarak, koşullar ne olursa olsun, hapishanelerde üretmeye ve umudu beslemeye devam ediyoruz. 

Tutuklandığımız soruşturmayla ilgili bir resim [2]  göndereceğim . İspanya'da düzenlenecek NATO zirvesini soruşturma dosyasına koymuşlar. Komplo soruşturması hazırlanırken hiçbir özen gösterilmemiş. Polis, "Her durumda, Ceza Sulh Ceza Hakimleri içeriğe bakmaz" diye düşünerek "Kes, kopyala, yapıştır" diyerek hazırlamış.

 Bunların hepsi hükümetin suçlarıdır."

(HA/İK)

The organizations also requested that Council of Europe member states explicitly and clearly demand Turkey comply with the ECtHR decision and immediately release Kavala. Member states should make Kavala’s case a priority agenda item when dealing with Turkey, they said. 

ECtHR: Osman Kavala must be released as soon as possible

25 August 2026

Director of Amnesty International's European Institutions Office Eve Geddie said the following: “Türkiye has defied two previous binding rulings from the Court in his case. This obstruction of justice must end. Türkiye’s authorities, including judicial and prosecutorial, must act to free Osman Kavala immediately and unconditionally.”

The joint statement emphasized the Court’s finding that Kavala’s trial and subsequent detention is politically motivated, and thus Turkey has a responsibility to overturn the convictions against him.

“Europe’s highest human rights court has confirmed beyond doubt that Kavala’s arrest, detention, prosecution and conviction as part of the Gezi trial was politically motivated and completely flawed from start to finish,” TLSP Director Ayşe Bingöl Demir said.

The statement also noted that Turkey was among one of the first states to join the Council of Europe and become party to the Convention. This means that Turkey has already agreed to protect the rights it enshrines and implement the binding judgements of the Court. 

Osman Kavala marks seven years in prison

1 November 2024

Yesterday's ruling was the ECtHR’s third on the Kavala case. In the Court’s initial Dec. 2019 ruling, it found that Kavala’s detention was in violation of his right to liberty and silenced him as a human rights defender. A subsequent July 2022 ruling found that Turkey had not fulfilled its obligations based on the binding 2019 decision.   

“Osman Kavala has been unlawfully imprisoned for nearly nine years,” said HRW senior legal advisor Aisling Reidy. 

“The European Court has now demanded his immediate release three times. It is vital that the Council of Europe and its member states act to ensure that the Court’s judgments are respected and that Osman Kavala – finally – is freed.”

(FY/İK)

The 75-year-old Kurdish prisoner has served over 33 years in prison after being convicted of membership in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). He has been eligible for conditional release since Feb 27, 2025, but the board has postponed his release four times, with the most recent being yesterday for another three months. 

Release of seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım postponed for third time

16 December 2025

The board has consistently argued that Yıldırım has not demonstrated sufficient “remorse” over his actions and lacks “good behavior.”  

Upon the heart attack, Yıldırım was first taken to a hospital in Buca, but, because there was no prisoner ward there, transferred to İzmir City Hospital, where had an angiography and two stents placed in his heart. 

According to Yıldırım’s lawyer Ali İhsan Güven, Yıldırım is currently in good health and expected to be discharged today. One of the main arteries leading to his heart was blocked, meaning Yıldırım survived a potentially life threatening emergency. 

In July, Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party spokesperson and Şırnak MP Ayşegül Doğan raised the issue to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) Human Rights Investigation Commission. She requested an examination by authorities on Yıldırım's health condition and the enforcement of his sentence in relation to his rights to life and health. 

MP seeks release of seriously ill Kurdish prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım after two delays

29 July 2026

According to Doğan’s application, Yıldırım suffers from not just heart disease, but also hypertension, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, arteriosclerosis, a cervical disc hernia, lung problems and even difficulty speaking — all of which impair his ability to carry out daily activities and cannot be regularly treated in prison.  

According to Güven, Yıldırım said the following during the board meeting: “The DGM [State Security Court] had given me the death penalty. It was converted from execution to life imprisonment. You, as a board, want to execute the death penalty given by the DGM. Be brave, erect a gallows here in the morning, execute me." 

(VC/İK)

From August 10 to August 25, police have conducted seven rounds of arrests targeting the independent union’s representatives and miners, making this far from Çakır and Aksu’s first arrest. The two were also detained two weeks ago at protests outside the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources in Ankara, marking Çakır’s fourth arrest in six days at the time. The workers were protesting unpaid wages and unfair compensation at mines owned by Yıldızlar SSS Holding.

This most recent round of arrests took place on the 16th day of that protest outside the ministry.

Police detain miners protesting over unpaid claims despite ministry-mediated deal

14 August 2026

Çakır was arrested on charges of “inciting the public to hatred and hostility” and will make his statement at the Soma Courthouse today at 2pm under the instruction of the Ankara Prosecutor's Office.  

Over the years, the Independent Mine Workers Union has become known for a more militant style of protest, characterized by wildcat strikes, hunger strikes and long-distance marches. They often contrast this to more pro-dialogue yellow unions. The union is often directly critical of major corporations and the Turkish government.

Doruk Madencilik miners resume protest after not getting paid despite guarantees

1 June 2026

In their statement, the independent union said that these arrests were intended to suppress their resistance on behalf of large holding companies. They emphasized that the arrests would not stop them, but rather only strengthen their resolve.  

Independent Mine Workers Union Statement: 

Our General President Gökay Çakır was detained in Soma! Right after our union executive, our union organizing specialist Başaran Aksu, and two of our members were detained from in front of the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, which is the resistance area, during our resistance completing its 16th day in Ankara, our General President Gökay Çakır, who is located in Soma, was also detained from the Union Headquarters with an instruction "coming from Ankara

Our General President, who was detained with the accusation of inciting the public to hatred and hostility, will be held in custody tonight by showing our union's social media posts as a justification, and his statement will be taken at the Soma Courthouse by the Ankara prosecutor's office tomorrow at 14.00.

It is clear from whom those who had the General President of the resisting workers detained by sending an instruction from Ankara to Soma, and who are trying to suppress the resistance with pressure and detentions, received the instruction. These acts done with the instruction of Holdings cannot intimidate us, they only enlarge our determination to struggle.

There is no need to pretend as if there are syndical rights and freedom in this country! The entire public, unions, non-governmental organizations, and our people are aware of the facts. We will not surrender to this aggressive attitude assumed against resisting. We invite all institutions, particularly the unions, to solidarity. Combative unionism is not a crime, the crime is to rob the public hand in hand with Holdings. We will stand against it!

(EMK/İK)

Kocaelispor fans raised yellow plastic bags in an effort to intimidate Kurdish Amedspor players and supporters. The yellow bags in question were meant to symbolize yellow body bags often used to hold the remains of deceased Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) members. References to “yellow bags” have become an increasingly popular expression used to make threats against politicians, journalists and Kurds, generally.

Five Kocaelispor supporters were placed under house arrest after being referred to the court following an investigation by the Kocaeli Public Prosecutor's Office. The charges included "inciting the public to hatred and hostility" and "chanting containing threats or insults."   

Kurdish club Amedspor promoted to Süper Lig

2 May 2026

Amedspor, based in Diyarbakır, has become a symbol representing Kurds in the football world, winning support from fans both in Turkey and abroad. Some even refer to the club as the unofficial Kurdish national team. Their historic promotion to Turkey’s first league, the Süper Lig, this season has drawn the ire of Turkish nationalists, who accuse the club of supporting terrorism.  

Amedspor fined over Kurdish-language chest sponsor tagline

30 September 2025

The incident marked yet another one of the unique obstacles faced by the Amedspor team due to their position as a representative of the Kurdish people. Amedspor players and fans often endure racist harassment by opposing team supporters. The club has also received fines and bans from the Turkish Football Federation over actions such as displaying Kurdish-language sponsors on their uniforms and social media posts featuring braided hair, a form of protest over the killings of Kurdish women fighters in Syria. 

Police confront Amedspor player after confusing Senegal flag with PKK colors

4 May 2026

Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chair Devlet Bahçeli even praised racist attacks from Bursaspor fans on the Amedspor team in 2023.

(İK)

The judgment, concerning application no. 2170/24, involves a different legal examination from the ECtHR’s two earlier rulings concerning Kavala. This time, the Grand Chamber did not confine itself to whether those previous judgments had been executed. It directly examined the fairness of the criminal proceedings that resulted in Kavala’s conviction, the interference with his freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, the lawfulness of his deprivation of liberty after 2019 and the nature of his aggravated life sentence.

By 15 votes to 2, the Grand Chamber found violations of:

• Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects freedom of expression;
• Article 11, which protects freedom of peaceful assembly;
• Article 6 § 1, concerning the right to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal;
• Article 5 § 1, concerning the right to liberty and security;
• Article 18, which prohibits restrictions on Convention rights from being applied for purposes other than those prescribed, taken together with Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10 and 11;
• Article 3, because the aggravated life sentence offered no prospect of conditional release and no mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remained justified.

As a Grand Chamber judgment, the ruling is final. The court held that Turkey must secure Kavala’s release “at the earliest possible date,” eliminate all consequences of his conviction and take both individual and general measures to prevent similar violations. It also stated that the conviction should be regarded as “null and void” from the perspective of Convention law.

The domestic proceedings

Kavala has been continuously deprived of his liberty since Oct. 18, 2017.

He was initially suspected of attempting to overthrow the government by force and violence in connection with the Gezi Park events, under Article 312 of the Turkish Criminal Code, and of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order in connection with the July 15 coup attempt, under Article 309.

On Feb. 18, 2020, the İstanbul 30th Assize Court acquitted Kavala and eight co-defendants in the Gezi Park trial and ordered his release. The court found that the intercepted telephone conversations were not legally admissible evidence, that the report by the Financial Crimes Investigation Board, or MASAK, did not substantiate the allegation that Kavala had financed the protests, and that there was insufficient concrete and conclusive evidence to convict him.

The release order did not result in Kavala’s actual release. He was taken into police custody on the same day and placed in pre-trial detention the following day under Article 309. On March 9, 2020, he was again placed in pre-trial detention, this time on a charge of political or military espionage under Article 328.

The acquittal was set aside by the İstanbul Regional Court of Appeal on Jan. 22, 2021. After a succession of decisions joining, severing and transferring proceedings between different assize courts, the İstanbul 13th Assize Court convicted Kavala under Article 312 on April 25, 2022, and sentenced him to aggravated life imprisonment. It acquitted him of espionage.

The conviction was upheld by the İstanbul Regional Court of Appeal on Dec. 28, 2022, and by the Court of Cassation on Sept. 28, 2023.

Kavala’s complaints and the government’s response

Before the ECtHR, Kavala argued that:

• his deprivation of liberty had been arbitrarily continued after the 2019 judgment;
• the same facts had repeatedly been used under different criminal classifications;
• activities protected by the Convention had been treated as evidence of serious crimes;
• his conviction had no foreseeable legal basis;
• he had not been tried by an independent and impartial tribunal;
• important defense witnesses had not been heard and central defense arguments had not been effectively examined;
• the aggravated life sentence provided no prospect of release or review;
• the investigation, continued pre-trial detention and conviction had been used to punish and silence him.

The government first argued that the application was premature because two individual applications lodged by Kavala were still pending before Turkey’s Constitutional Court.

On the merits, the government maintained that Kavala had not been prosecuted for peaceful civil society work, but for allegedly organizing, directing and financing the Gezi Park events and for his purported connection with the violence that occurred during the protests. It argued that Article 312 was clear and foreseeable, that the domestic courts had lawfully assessed the evidence, that the case had been heard by independent and impartial courts, and that his deprivation of liberty following conviction was based on a judgment delivered by a competent court.

Kavala was not required to wait for the Constitutional Court

Under Article 35 § 1 of the Convention, applicants must normally exhaust available and effective domestic remedies before applying to the ECtHR. The rule is intended to give national authorities the first opportunity to prevent or remedy an alleged violation.

The Grand Chamber reaffirmed that an individual application to Turkey’s Constitutional Court remains, in principle, an effective domestic remedy. The judgment therefore does not establish that the Constitutional Court procedure is generally ineffective.

However, the ECtHR considered the exceptional circumstances of Kavala’s case:

• He had been continuously deprived of his liberty for more than eight and a half years.
• He had consistently and diligently used the available ordinary and extraordinary remedies.
• The binding ECtHR judgments of 2019 and 2022 had not been implemented.
• The domestic acquittal and release order had produced no practical result.
• His Constitutional Court application of June 9, 2022, had remained pending for more than four years.
• His second application, filed on Oct. 24, 2023, had remained pending for more than two years and nine months.
• The first application had been placed on the Constitutional Court’s plenary agenda on July 25, 2023, but its examination had immediately been adjourned.

The Grand Chamber found that these delays were manifestly excessive in the particular context of the case, in which individual liberty was at stake and binding ECtHR judgments remained unexecuted.

The Constitutional Court’s “procedural inertia,” it held, had reduced the protection available at the domestic level to a theoretical and illusory right, offering at best an uncertain prospect of redress and no reasonable prospect of a timely examination.

Kavala therefore could not be criticized for applying to Strasbourg without waiting for those proceedings to conclude. The Grand Chamber expressly limited this finding to the particular circumstances of the case and did not call into question the general effectiveness of individual applications to the Constitutional Court.

The ECtHR also referred to the refusal of lower criminal courts to execute Constitutional Court judgments concerning Şerafettin Can Atalay and Tayfun Kahraman. It stressed that implementation is an indivisible part of the right of individual application, and that rendering binding Constitutional Court judgments ineffective has serious consequences for the rule of law, legal certainty and the judicial protection of fundamental rights.

By contrast, the complaint that the criminal proceedings as a whole had lasted an unreasonably long time was declared inadmissible. The ECtHR found that amendments adopted in 2024 had introduced a direct application to the Compensation Commission and that Kavala was required to use that remedy for his reasonable-time complaint.

Lawful civil society work cannot be treated as the element of a grave offense

The ECtHR examined Articles 10 and 11, concerning freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly, together.

The Grand Chamber found that a substantial part of the conduct attributed to Kavala consisted of:

• participating in public debate;
• supporting civil society initiatives;
• facilitating meetings;
• documenting alleged human rights violations;
• disseminating information and opinions on matters of public interest;
• meeting academics, journalists, diplomats and international organizations;
• criticizing the use and export of tear gas;
• organizing cultural events and documentary projects;
• providing material, logistical or intellectual support for peaceful demonstrations.

By their nature, the court said, these activities fell within the protection of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

The Grand Chamber emphasized the particular role of human rights defenders and civil society organizations in a democratic society. An NGO working on matters of public interest performs a “public watchdog” function comparable in importance to that of the press and is therefore entitled to similar protection.

The government argued that the violence occurring during the Gezi Park events placed Kavala’s activities outside the protection of the Convention. The court rejected this argument.

Under the ECtHR’s case law, an individual does not lose the protection of the right to peaceful assembly merely because other people commit sporadic acts of violence during a demonstration, provided that the individual remains peaceful in their own intentions and conduct.

The domestic courts had not established that Kavala had personally participated in violence, incited violence or accommodated himself to violent acts.

Article 312 was extended in an unforeseeable manner

Article 312 of the Criminal Code requires an attempt to overthrow the government, or prevent it from performing its functions, through force and violence.

The domestic courts, however, did not establish that Kavala:

• personally committed an act of violence;
• gave an order or instruction to use violence;
• called for violence;
• had a direct causal connection to any specific violent incident.

Instead, the conviction was based on the assumption that Kavala had played a “strategic,” “structuring” or decisive role in planning, organizing and directing the Gezi Park movement. Acts of violence committed by third parties were indirectly attributed to him without proof of a direct or intentional link.

According to the Grand Chamber, the domestic courts replaced an examination of Kavala’s individual criminal responsibility with a global assessment of his civil society work and the Gezi Park events as a whole.

Activities that were not in themselves criminal and were protected by the Convention were treated as constituting the material element of an exceptionally serious offense punishable by aggravated life imprisonment.

The domestic courts’ reliance on case law from military interventions and armed contexts to assess a civilian’s conduct in relation to demonstrations and civil society work was also unforeseeable, the Grand Chamber found.

The ECtHR placed particular weight on the absence of any causal connection between the violence that occurred during the Gezi Park events and the acts personally attributed to Kavala. The national authorities had not established, or even attempted to establish, such a connection.

Article 312 had therefore been applied to Kavala in a manner that unforeseeably extended its scope and failed to provide the minimum protection required against arbitrary interference. The interference with his rights could not be regarded as “prescribed by law” under Articles 10 and 11.

Having reached that conclusion, the Grand Chamber did not consider it necessary to examine separately whether the interference pursued a legitimate aim or was necessary in a democratic society. It found violations of Articles 10 and 11.

A chilling effect on civil society

The ECtHR found that exposing people who provide logistical, financial or intellectual support for peaceful protests to the possibility of aggravated life imprisonment would have a chilling effect not only on human rights defenders and civil society groups, but on all citizens wishing to participate in public debate or peaceful demonstrations.

The approach taken by the domestic courts created a risk that limited violence on the margins of a protest could later be attributed to an entire social movement and those who supported it. The Grand Chamber found that such a result was incompatible with the pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness that characterize a democratic society.

The proceedings as a whole were unfair

The ECtHR considered Kavala’s fair-trial complaints by examining the proceedings as a whole and the cumulative effect of the shortcomings it identified.

The Grand Chamber recalled that it does not act as a court of fourth instance and does not ordinarily replace the domestic courts’ assessment of evidence with its own.

However, where criminal law is applied in a manifestly arbitrary manner, decisive defense arguments are left unanswered and the outcome becomes manifestly unreasonable, the issue is no longer merely one of interpreting domestic law. It falls within the scope of Article 6.

Defects identified in 2019 were never remedied

In its 2019 judgment, the ECtHR had found the accusations against Kavala manifestly implausible and held that there had been no reasonable suspicion justifying his detention.

At the trial stage, the domestic courts were therefore required to demonstrate that those initial defects had been remedied by new, solid and probative evidence. They needed to explain concretely how Kavala’s conduct had caused, encouraged or made possible the violence in question.

The Grand Chamber found that they had failed to do so:

• The core allegations remained unchanged.
• No new and decisive evidence was produced.
• No concrete link was established between Kavala’s activities and acts of violence.
• The element of force and violence required by the offense was not individualized.
• It was not demonstrated that Kavala had intended to overthrow the government by force and violence.

The Feb. 18, 2020 acquittal had found that the telephone interceptions were not legally admissible, that the MASAK report did not support the financing allegation and that there was no sufficient, concrete and conclusive evidence for a conviction.

The later judgments convicting Kavala did not present new evidence or persuasive legal reasoning capable of overcoming those findings.

Defense witnesses were rejected on stereotyped grounds

Kavala’s lawyers asked the İstanbul 13th Assize Court to hear two former ministers who had been in office during the Gezi Park events. The defense argued that they could clarify the nature of Kavala’s contacts with public authorities and the dialogue conducted during the protests.

The court dismissed the request on the general ground that hearing the witnesses would “add nothing” to the proceedings. The Regional Court of Appeal and Court of Cassation did not effectively address this central defense complaint.

The Grand Chamber found that the refusal to hear important defense witnesses had been justified in a stereotyped manner and was not offset by adequate procedural safeguards or effective appellate review.

The burden of proof was effectively shifted to Kavala

The ECtHR found that the conviction rested largely on contextual and insufficiently individualized inferences rather than concrete acts personally attributable to Kavala.

Instead of requiring the authorities to establish the material and mental elements of the offense beyond reasonable doubt, the proceedings effectively placed the burden on Kavala to refute broad assumptions and the prosecution’s general narrative.

All violence during the Gezi Park events was attributed to him, even though the people accused of direct involvement in violence in other proceedings had been acquitted. The ECtHR also criticized the domestic court’s analogy with the deployment of tanks during the military-led Feb. 28, 1997 process, which concerned an entirely different military and political context.

The Grand Chamber concluded that criminal law had been interpreted arbitrarily and unforeseeably to Kavala’s detriment, producing a manifestly unreasonable outcome.

Legitimate doubts over the courts’ independence and impartiality

In examining independence and impartiality, the ECtHR considered not only whether individual judges had demonstrated personal bias, but also whether the proceedings could give an objective observer legitimate grounds for doubt.

The Grand Chamber highlighted several factors:

• A disciplinary investigation was opened by the Council of Judges and Prosecutors against the three judges who acquitted Kavala and ordered his release, one day after the decision.
• The case was repeatedly transferred between different assize courts.
• Proceedings were joined, severed and reassigned on several occasions.
• A judge with previous close links to the ruling party participated at the decisive stage of the trial.
• Senior state officials made public statements portraying Kavala as guilty before the proceedings had concluded.
• Essential defense arguments were not adequately examined.
• The case unfolded against a broader background of structural problems relating to the appointment, transfer and discipline of judges.

The fact that no disciplinary sanction had ultimately been imposed on the judges who acquitted Kavala did not alter the ECtHR’s assessment. Opening the investigation immediately after the acquittal was, by its nature, capable of exerting a deterrent pressure on those judges and, more broadly, undermining judicial independence in the later proceedings.

The Grand Chamber did not conclude that the entire Turkish judiciary acted under instructions from the executive. It nevertheless found that the case-specific circumstances, public statements by senior officials and wider structural conditions gave rise to objectively justified and legitimate doubts about the independence and impartiality of the courts that examined Kavala’s case.

The shortcomings were not isolated procedural errors. Taken together, they affected both the fairness of the proceedings and the guarantees of judicial independence and impartiality, fundamentally impairing the very essence of Kavala’s right to a fair trial.

The ECtHR therefore found a violation of Article 6 § 1.

The entire period of deprivation of liberty since 2019 was unlawful

For its examination under Article 5 § 1, the Grand Chamber divided the period following its first judgment into two stages:

1. Kavala’s pre-trial detention between Dec. 10, 2019, and April 25, 2022;
2. his deprivation of liberty following the first-instance conviction of April 25, 2022.

This distinction follows the autonomous meaning of terms under the Convention. Even before a conviction becomes final under domestic law, detention following a first-instance conviction is assessed by the ECtHR under Article 5 § 1 (a), concerning detention “after conviction.”

The pre-trial detention between 2019 and 2022 was arbitrary

The Grand Chamber found that after the 2019 judgment, the same evidence had been used under different criminal classifications without the addition of any substantially new facts.

Orders for release, or release in connection with particular accusations, had been deprived of practical effect by new arrest and detention measures based on other charges.

According to the court, the domestic authorities:

• failed to demonstrate a strong suspicion that Kavala had committed an offense;
• failed to provide relevant and sufficient reasons for continuing the detention;
• did not properly consider alternatives such as judicial supervision;
• continued to rely on evidence that the ECtHR had already found insufficient.

The Grand Chamber found that the authorities had sought to circumvent the requirements of both domestic law and the Convention in order to keep Kavala in detention, and had acted in bad faith.

His pre-trial detention between Dec. 10, 2019, and April 25, 2022, was therefore arbitrary and violated Article 5 § 1.

The detention following conviction also lacked a lawful basis

As a general rule, the deprivation of liberty following a conviction by a competent court is permitted under Article 5 § 1 (a).

However, where a conviction results from proceedings amounting to a “flagrant denial of justice,” it cannot provide a valid basis for detention under the Convention.

This is an exceptionally high threshold. It is not met by every procedural defect or erroneous interpretation of domestic law. The unfairness must be so serious that it negates or destroys the very essence of the right to a fair trial.

The Grand Chamber held that this threshold had been reached in Kavala’s case. His conviction followed proceedings in which:

• the elements of the offense were not individualized;
• activities protected by the Convention were treated as evidence of criminal conduct;
• the criminal provision was extended in an unforeseeable manner;
• defense rights were rendered ineffective;
• guarantees of independence and impartiality were seriously undermined.

Kavala’s deprivation of liberty after April 25, 2022, could therefore not be regarded as lawful under Article 5 § 1 (a).

The ECtHR concluded that the entire period of Kavala’s deprivation of liberty from Dec. 10, 2019, until the date of the new judgment was incompatible with Article 5 § 1.

The proceedings and conviction pursued an ulterior purpose

Article 18 of the Convention prohibits restrictions permitted under the Convention from being applied for purposes other than those for which they were prescribed.

Article 18 does not operate independently. It is examined together with another Convention right. In this case, the Grand Chamber applied it not only in conjunction with the rights to liberty, expression and peaceful assembly, but also with the right to a fair trial.

The ECtHR held that judicial proceedings must never be used for an ulterior purpose that undermines the guarantees of Article 6.

No direct written instruction was required

The Grand Chamber noted that an ulterior purpose cannot always be demonstrated through a written instruction, an explicit order or one direct piece of evidence. Case-specific facts, the sequence of measures and the broader context may be assessed together.

The existence of an ulterior purpose nevertheless had to be established beyond reasonable doubt.

The court considered, among other factors:

• the failure to remedy the absence of reasonable suspicion identified in 2019;
• the repeated use of the same facts under different criminal classifications;
• the neutralization of acquittal and release decisions;
• the failure to execute binding ECtHR judgments;
• the failure to establish the material and mental elements of the offense;
• the use of protected civil society activity as incriminating evidence;
• serious doubts about the independence and impartiality of the courts;
• accusatory public statements by senior state officials;
• Kavala’s exceptionally prolonged, uninterrupted deprivation of liberty;
• the imposition of aggravated life imprisonment without establishing his personal involvement in violence.

The ECtHR found that Kavala’s case could not be regarded as an isolated incident. It had to be viewed in the wider context of political opponents, human rights defenders and journalists being detained and prosecuted on the basis of criminal accusations whose scope had been extensively interpreted or artificially magnified.

The Grand Chamber did not find that the Turkish judiciary as a whole lacked independence or that the domestic courts had acted under direct instructions from the executive. It also said that public statements by senior officials could not, on their own, establish an ulterior purpose.

Taken together, however, the circumstances demonstrated that the criminal proceedings had moved away from the stated purpose of addressing violence.

Kavala’s contacts with journalists, academics, civil society organizations, diplomats and international institutions, along with his participation in public debate and human rights work, had been placed at the center of the conviction.

The ECtHR found that the prosecution, continued pre-trial detention and conviction were predominantly motivated by an ulterior purpose: to punish Kavala for his role in the Gezi Park demonstrations and for expressing his opinions as a human rights defender, and to silence him.

This was not merely an incidental consequence of the measures. It was their predominant purpose.

The Grand Chamber therefore found a violation of Article 18 taken together with Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10 and 11.

An aggravated life sentence with no prospect of review

The ECtHR also examined Kavala’s aggravated life sentence under Article 3, which prohibits torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

A life sentence is not in itself incompatible with the Convention. It must, however, offer a genuine prospect of release and provide a mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remains justified in light of:

• changes in the prisoner’s personal circumstances;
• progress toward rehabilitation;
• whether the prisoner continues to pose a danger to society.

Under Turkish law, no conditional release is available for the offense of which Kavala was convicted. Nor is there a mechanism allowing the sentence to be reviewed later on the basis of an individualized assessment.

The Grand Chamber reiterated that the incompatibility of an irreducible life sentence with Article 3 arises when the sentence is imposed, not only after the prisoner has served a particular number of years.

It therefore found that Kavala’s aggravated life sentence, with no possibility of conditional release or review, violated Article 3.

The government argued that Kavala had not raised this particular complaint before the Constitutional Court and had therefore failed to exhaust domestic remedies.

The ECtHR rejected the objection. It noted that the government had not provided any example in which the Constitutional Court had examined the merits of a similar complaint and offered effective redress. It also took into account that the irreducible nature of the sentence arose directly from the legislation in force.

Which complaints were not examined separately?

Kavala had also complained that:

• the exceptional length of his deprivation of liberty and prolonged uncertainty had caused suffering reaching the threshold of Article 3;
• the Constitutional Court had failed to examine his challenges to pre-trial detention speedily, in violation of Article 5 § 4;
• statements by senior officials and a series broadcast by a public television platform had violated the presumption of innocence under Article 6 § 2;
• the unforeseeable application of Article 312 had violated Article 7, which protects the principle that there can be no punishment without law.

The Grand Chamber did not find that these provisions had not been violated. Rather, it held that the relevant issues had already been sufficiently addressed in its findings under Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10, 11 and 18. It therefore found no need to examine separately the admissibility and merits of those complaints.

In particular, the outcome under Article 7 was not “no violation,” but “no need to examine separately.”

That conclusion was adopted unanimously. By contrast, the complaint concerning the overall length of the criminal proceedings under Article 6 § 1 was declared inadmissible by a majority because the remedy before the Compensation Commission had not been exhausted.

Turkey must release Kavala

Under Article 46 of the Convention, states are legally bound to comply with final ECtHR judgments. Their execution is supervised by the Committee of Ministers.

The Grand Chamber recalled that a state is not discharged from its obligations merely by paying compensation. It must also take individual and, when necessary, general measures to end the violation and remedy its consequences as far as possible.

Release at the earliest possible date

The ECtHR found that continuing to imprison Kavala after the delivery of the new judgment would amount to a continuation of the violations, particularly the violation of Article 5 § 1.

It therefore held that the respondent state must secure Kavala’s release at the earliest possible date.

This obligation appears not only in the court’s reasoning but also in the operative provisions of the judgment.

The question left to Turkey is therefore not whether Kavala should be released, but which domestic procedure will be used to implement that binding result.

The consequences of the conviction must be eliminated

The ECtHR stated that Kavala’s criminal conviction should be regarded as null and void from the perspective of Convention law.

The ECtHR does not itself quash domestic judgments as an appellate court and did not directly enter an acquittal. It did, however, specify the result the respondent state must achieve:

• Kavala must be released.
• The legal and practical consequences of the conviction must be eliminated.
• Effective redress must be provided for the violations.
• The domestic mechanism for reopening proceedings must be used in a manner capable of producing those results.

Given the nature of the violations, the Grand Chamber left Turkey no discretion over whether those consequences must be achieved.

The problem extends beyond Kavala’s case

The Grand Chamber described the case as a particularly significant illustration of a problem that was systemic in nature.

The court connected that problem with the detention and prosecution of political opponents, human rights defenders and journalists on the basis of criminal offenses whose scope was extensively interpreted or artificially magnified.

The judgment also identified structural shortcomings affecting guarantees of judicial independence and impartiality. These deficiencies were capable of facilitating direct or indirect influence by the executive over certain judicial decisions, particularly in politically sensitive cases.

The ECtHR said Turkey must take general measures in areas including:

• strengthening institutional safeguards governing the appointment, assignment and discipline of judges;
• reinforcing judges’ security of tenure;
• ensuring full compliance with judgments of higher courts and the Constitutional Court;
• preventing the excessive use of pre-trial detention;
• preventing the same facts from being repeatedly prosecuted under broad or alternative criminal classifications;
• ensuring that criminal proceedings are not used to exert pressure or neutralize the exercise of fundamental rights;
• granting priority at the domestic level to proceedings concerning the execution of ECtHR judgments;
• establishing a genuine mechanism for reviewing aggravated life sentences and providing a realistic prospect of conditional release.

The court considered such measures necessary to restore the effectiveness of the separation of powers, maintain public confidence in the judiciary and ensure that the rights to liberty and a fair trial are not undermined by considerations unrelated to the rule of law.

Executing ECtHR judgments is also a constitutional obligation

The Grand Chamber emphasized that Turkey’s obligation to execute ECtHR judgments does not arise solely under international law.

Under Article 90 § 5 of Turkey’s Constitution, duly ratified international agreements concerning fundamental rights and freedoms have the force of law. In the event of a conflict between such an agreement and domestic legislation on the same matter, the international agreement prevails.

The ECtHR therefore found that execution of its final judgments is also a requirement of the rule-of-law principle enshrined in Article 2 of the Constitution.

Judgments must not be implemented merely formally. They must be executed fully, promptly and in good faith, in a manner compatible with both their conclusions and their spirit.

70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages

Kavala sought 70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages for the violations that had continued since Dec. 10, 2019.

Taking into account the gravity, cumulative effect and prolonged nature of the violations, the ECtHR awarded the full amount claimed.

Turkey was ordered to pay:

• 70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages;
• 43,342.57 euros in costs and expenses.

The sums must be paid within three months. After that period, simple interest will accrue at the European Central Bank’s marginal lending rate plus three percentage points.

What did the dissenting judges say?

Judges Faris Vehabović and Saadet Yüksel argued in a joint dissenting opinion that the application should not have been examined before Kavala’s individual applications to the Constitutional Court had been concluded.

They emphasized that the Convention system is based on the principle of subsidiarity and that the primary responsibility for protecting human rights rests with national legal systems.

In their view, the individual application to the Constitutional Court remained a structurally effective remedy, and the national judiciary should have been given an opportunity to conclude its examination before the ECtHR considered the merits.

The dissent criticized the majority for departing from the exhaustion requirement on the basis of the length of the Constitutional Court proceedings and the case’s particular circumstances.

Judge Yüksel also wrote a separate dissent, arguing that:

• the approximately two years and nine months during which the second Constitutional Court application had been pending could not be regarded as manifestly excessive;
• the Article 3 complaint concerning the irreducible aggravated life sentence had not been raised before the domestic authorities;
• part of the Article 5 complaint concerning detention on the espionage charge had been lodged outside the applicable time limit;
• the ECtHR should not have concluded that the domestic authorities had pursued an ulterior purpose before the Constitutional Court completed its examination.

The dissents focused primarily on admissibility and the application of the subsidiarity principle rather than offering a full alternative assessment of all the majority’s findings on the merits.

Why does the judgment matter?

The 2026 judgment takes the findings made in 2019 and 2022 to a further legal stage.

In 2019, the ECtHR found that there had been no reasonable suspicion justifying Kavala’s pre-trial detention and that the detention pursued the ulterior purpose of silencing him.

In 2022, the Grand Chamber held that Turkey had failed to execute that judgment in good faith and had continued Kavala’s deprivation of liberty by reclassifying essentially the same facts under different criminal provisions.

The 2026 Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2) judgment directly examined:

• the legal basis of the Gezi Park conviction;
• the interpretation and application of Article 312;
• the independence and impartiality of the courts;
• restrictions on the rights of the defense;
• the deprivation of liberty following conviction;
• the predominant purpose of the criminal proceedings;
• the irreducible nature of the aggravated life sentence.

The Grand Chamber found that the problem was not limited to an erroneous assessment of evidence or isolated procedural defects.

Activities protected by the Convention had been transformed into elements of an exceptionally serious offense. Violence committed by third parties had been attributed to Kavala without an individualized assessment of his responsibility. The criminal provision had been extended in an unforeseeable manner. Defense rights and guarantees of an independent tribunal had been gravely undermined. The criminal proceedings had been used predominantly to punish and silence the applicant.

The binding core of the judgment therefore consists of three requirements:

Kavala must be released at the earliest possible date, all consequences of his conviction must be eliminated, and the legal and judicial structures that made similar violations possible must be reformed.

(VC)

After nine years in custody, he stood in front of the ECtHR once again today, who ruled in his favor 15-2. The court said that Turkey must release him at the nearest possible date, a ruling that Kavala has heard before. However, this new ruling builds on the previous findings of cases in 2019 and 2022 by directly examining the fairness of the criminal proceedings that resulted in Kavala’s conviction, the interference with his freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly and the lawfulness of his deprivation of liberty after 2019. The Court also examined the nature of his aggravated life sentence. 

A comprehensive legal summary of the ECtHR Grand Chamber’s judgment in Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2)

25 August 2026

The Grand Chamber found that Turkey had violated: 

• article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects freedom of expression;
• article 11, which protects freedom of peaceful assembly; 
• article 6/1, concerning the right to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal; 
• article 5/1, concerning the right to liberty and security; 
• article 18, which prohibits restrictions on Convention rights from being applied for purposes other than those prescribed, taken together with Articles 5/1, 6/1, 10 and 11;
• and Article 3, because the aggravated life sentence offered no prospect of conditional release and no mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remained justified.

Before the ECtHR, Kavala argued that: 

• his deprivation of liberty had been arbitrarily continued after the 2019 judgment;
• the same facts from previous domestic cases had repeatedly been used under different criminal classifications;
• activities protected by the Convention had been treated as evidence of serious crimes;
• His conviction had no foreseeable legal basis;
• he had not been tried by an independent and impartial tribunal;
• important defense witnesses had not been heard and central defense arguments had not been effectively examined;
• his aggravated life sentence provided no prospect of release or review;
• And the investigation, continued pre-trial detention and conviction, had been used to punish and silence him. 

In addition to ruling for Kavala’s release, the Court emphasized that there are systemic flaws in Turkey’s judiciary system that contributed to Kavala’s detention. 

However, the Court did find Kavala’s complaint that the criminal proceedings as a whole had lasted an unreasonable amount of time inadmissible. 

Prior ECtHR rulings on the Kavala case

In the first Kavala v. Turkey judgment on Dec. 10, 2019, the ECtHR ruled on Kavala’s pre-trial detention in connection with the Gezi Park events and the attempted coup of July 15, 2016. The Court ultimately found that there had been no reasonable suspicion to conclude Kavala committed the offenses attributed to him. 

In this first Kavala proceeding, the ECtHR found violations of Articles 5/1, 5/4 and 18. The judgment, which became final on May 11, 2020, ultimately concluded that Kavala’s detention served an ulterior purpose not prescribed by the Convention — silencing him as a human rights defender. Kavala is to be released immediately, the Court argued. 

After Kavala was not released following this initial ruling, the Committee of Ministers initiated infringement proceedings against Turkey under Article 46/4 of the Convention on Feb. 2, 2022. The intention of these proceedings were to determine whether Turkey had failed to comply with the binding 2019 judgment. On July 11, 2022, the Grand Chamber concluded that, indeed, Turkey had failed to comply with the earlier ruling. 

Kavala was still detained and although the charges were different, the ECtHR found that the later new charges pressed against Kavala were not based on substantially new facts. Evidence that the ECtHR had already examined and found insufficient was simply reclassified under different criminal provisions. 

Kavala then filed a new individual application with the ECtHR on Jan. 18, 2024, concerning developments after the 2019 judgment. This application was initially allocated to the court’s Second Section. However, jurisdiction was relinquished and the case eventually made its way to the Grand Chamber under Article 30 of the Convention. 

This new case went beyond the simple question of executing the earlier judgments. It directly concerned Kavala’s conviction, the proceedings as a whole and his continuing deprivation of liberty. This was the case in question today. 

Kavala’s domestic proceedings in Turkey 

Kavala has been under detention since Oct. 18, 2017. He was initially suspected of attempting to overthrow the government by force and violence in connection with the Gezi Park events, under Article 312 of the Turkish Criminal Code, and of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order in connection with the July 15 coup attempt, under Article 309.

On Feb. 28, 2020, The İstanbul 30th Assize Court acquitted Kavala and ordered his release. The release order did not result in Kavala’s actual release, who was taken into police custody yet again on the same day under Article 309. In March 2020, he was placed in pre-trail detention, this time on the charge of political or military espionage under Article 328. Kavala was later convicted on April 25, 2022, and sentenced him to aggravated life imprisonment.

A chilling effect on civil society 

The Court found that a significant number of Kavala's activities were normal behaviors that fall within the protection of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. 

These activities including things like participating in public debate; supporting civil society initiatives; facilitating meetings; documenting alleged human rights abuses; disseminating information and opinions on matters of public interest; criticizing the use of tear gas; organizing cultural events and documentary projects; meeting academics, journalists, diplomats and international organizations; and providing material, logistical or intellectual support for peaceful demonstrations. 

While the Grand Chamber emphasized the important role of human rights defenders and civil society organizations in a democratic society, the Turkish government argued the violence that took place during the Gezi Park protest placed Kavala’s activities outside the protection of the Convention. The court rejected this argument.

Domestic Turkish courts have not established that Kavala personally participated in or incited any violent acts during the Gezi Park protest. Under ECtHR case law, individuals do not lose the right to peaceful assembly over the violent actions of other people during the demonstration, provided that the individual in question remains peaceful in their own intentions and behaviour. 

Moreover, the ruling stated that equating lawful civil society activities with the actus reus of an exceptionally serious offense had led to the “indirect attribution of criminal liability for acts of violence committed by third parties, in the absence of any direct participation, incitement or accommodation on the applicant’s part.” 

The Court said this in turn has a serious chilling effect on the exercise of the freedoms enshrined in Articles 10 and 11 of the Convention, protecting freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. 

Kavala’s case is evidence of a systemic problem 

The Court found that Kavala’s situation is not merely an isolated incidence of injustice, but rather a symptom of a larger systemic problem. Their ruling stated that the case has a wider context in Turkey marked by the detention and prosecution of political opponents, human-rights defenders and journalists on the basis of criminal offences, the scope of which is "interpreted extensively or artificially magnified.” 

The injustices that took place and ultimately led to Kavala’s nine year detention are part of a larger systemic issue in the Turkish judiciary. Kavala is just one member of civil society who is facing these consequences. 

(HA/İK)

Additionally, more than 70 workers and their families who migrated from Şırnak's Cizre and Silopi districts to Bektaşlı Village connected to Zonguldak's Alaplı district to pick hazelnuts faced two attacks over two days.

He threatened the workers with a knife in Düzce

According to information sent by Düzce workers to Mezopotamya Agency, the attack started in the evening hours while they were sitting in the garden of their house.

Düzce’nin Cumayeri ve Gümüşova ilçelerinde çalışmak için Mêrdîn’den bölgeye giden Kürt işçiler, bir grubun ırkçı saldırısına uğradı.https://t.co/2CeLqA3Tqp pic.twitter.com/PqDn5JvB2v

— Mezopotamya Ajansı (@mezopotamyatrk3) August 23, 2026

The workers said a group came to where they were staying and one of them pulled out a knife, cursing the workers and telling them to leave the region. The workers subsequently called the police who arrived on the scene and took the assailant away. The workers said they were worried about their safety following the attack and are considering leaving the region. 

The Düzce Governorship announced that the suspect, named M.A., had seven separate criminal records. M.A., who was referred to the courthouse, was later arrested by the court.  

In Zonguldak, more than 70 workers and their families were attacked twice

More than 70 seasonal hazelnut workers and their families who arrived in the Bektaşlı Village, (connected to Zonguldak's Alaplı district) from Şırnak's Cizre and Silopi districts, faced multiple attacks over two days.  

According to reports, the incident began when children threw melon and watermelon waste into a water source. Following an argument, the area where the workers were staying was stoned and later vehicles carrying workers leaving the village were also subject to stoning attacks. Gendarmerie law enforcement could not ensure the safety of the workers. 

Social media footage depicted a group attacking the workers, including children sitting in the bed of the pickup truck, with sticks and stones. 

Zonguldak’a çalışmaya gelen Kürt işçilere ırkçı saldırı.

Şırnak’ın Cizre ve Silopi ilçelerinden Zonguldak’a çalışmaya gelen mevsimlik tarım işçileri ve aileleri, taşlı ve sopalı saldırıya uğradı. pic.twitter.com/uDdrJQi5Ft

— Toplumsal Muhalefet (@ToplumsalMht124) August 23, 2026

In the footage, allegedly from right before the incident, the workers are told “Hungry dogs, is there no job in your hometown?” There is no independent verification on the source of the footage’s connection to the attack. 

Four detainees were released 

The Karadeniz Ereğli Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an investigation into the incident. Justice Minister Akın Gürlek noted that the investigation is being carried out for the purpose of illuminating all aspects of the incident. 

Gürlek stated the following: 

"It is of importance that an isolated incident that took place is not drawn into different meanings and made the subject of generalizations that will damage our social peace, and that the public relies only on verified information shared by competent authorities.

The protection of the peace, safety, and rights of each of our citizens, including our seasonal agricultural workers, is under the guarantee of our state. Our judicial authorities will do what the law requires regarding the persons who have responsibility in the incident." 

After the incident, four suspects were detained by the gendarmerie. They were released in the morning hours after giving statements to the Public Prosecutor at the courthouse. 

İHD: The basic obligation of the state is to protect people's life and security

The Human Rights Association (İHD) Commission Against Racism and Discrimination made a statement, reminding the state of its obligation to protect its citizens: 

“Degrading, exclusionary, and othering expressions directed at the ethnic, regional, or social identity of a group directly threaten social peace, the principle of equal citizenship, and human dignity.

Seasonal agricultural workers carry out a significant portion of production under severe working and living conditions in different regions of our geography. It is unacceptable for people who go to another city for the purpose of working to be excluded, degraded, or subjected to attack due to the region they come from or the identity they carry.

No one can be targeted due to the place they were born, the language they speak, their ethnic origin, their region, or their social identity.

From the perspective of human rights, the basic obligation of the state is to effectively protect people's life, bodily integrity, and security.”

The Bar Association called the attack an ‘isolated dispute’ 

The Zonguldak Bar Association’s statement, on the other hand, claimed that the incident stemmed from an “isolated dispute” between a seasonal agricultural worker family and a family living in the village.

The Bar Association also stated that social groups should not be targeted over the identity, hometown, or type of work done by the parties. The association requesting all wait on the outcome of the judicial investigation: 

“Making generalizations over the identity, social status, hometown, or working form of the parties to the incident and targeting any social group is unacceptable in terms of our social peace and culture of living together.

As a requirement of the principle of the rule of law, the neutral, effective, and meticulous investigation of every incident that occurs by relevant authorities; the protection of the parties' rights and the uncovering of the material truth carry great importance.

It is understood that a judicial investigation regarding the incident that occurred has been launched, and we emphatically remind that the outcome of the investigation should be awaited, and unverified information and claims should not be spread via social media and the press.” 

Bektaşlı Village Headman: ‘This is not an ethnic identity conflict’ 

Bektaşlı Village Headman Atilla Akman, on the other hand, said that the incident was not related to ethnic origin. Speaking to Zonguldak's local newspaper ozgurhalkinsesi.com.tr, Akman said that the incident started with 13 or 14-year-old children arguing by the fountain over the cleaning of melon rinds. Stating that the argument was later brought to the family elders, Akman explained that the incident was calmed down by the intervention of security forces.

Akman said that seasonal workers have been coming to the village for about 12 years and hundreds of them work in the village. Akman added that despite living together with the workers for many years, they have never experienced a similar problem to date. 

“There is no Kurdish-Turkish conflict; there is no ethnic identity conflict,” Akman said. He also noted that there were no major injuries over the incident and the workers continued their labor afterwards.

DEM Party: “We will not remain silent in the face of racism”

Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan also reacted to the attacks via posts on their social media accounts. 

Condemning the attacks, Hatimoğulları said: “In such a historical period where the will to build a together and equal future strengthens, targeting, threatening, and subjecting people who travel kilometers to earn a living through their labor to attacks due to their identities is never acceptable.”

Bakırhan also expressed a similar reaction, saying: “I condemn the racist attacks directed at our Kurdish citizens. Targeting, threatening, and subjecting seasonal agricultural workers, among whom there are also children, to violence due to their identities is never acceptable.”

The DEM Party said the following in a statement: 

“Attacks directed at Kurdish seasonal workers in Zonguldak and Düzce are never acceptable. Evaluating such attacks as isolated [incidents] is a dangerous outcome of a racist and discriminatory mindset. In the sensitive period we are passing through, an opportunity should not be given to those who want to bring people face to face.

No one can threaten our Kurdish citizens in their own country, target them, or dare to attack their right to live and work. We call upon competent authorities to investigate the attacks in all aspects and the perpetrators and instigators, if any, to give an account before the law.

We invite everyone to use common sense against provocations and to enlarge the will for living together. We will not remain silent in the face of racism, and we will not leave our attacked citizens alone. As the DEM Party, we will follow up on these attacks and resolutely continue our struggle against racism and hate crimes.” 

(HA/İK)

Istanbul Technical University Department of Climate Science and Meteorological Engineering Faculty Member Professor Dr. Mikdat Kadıoğlu, said the increase is positive but an increase in precipitation and dam occupancy in a single water year does not mean the drought is over.  

According to reporting by the ANKA News Agency, Kadıoğlu said that “climate” is the statistical average of weather characteristics spread across many years, while dam occupancies are impacted by operating conditions, water consumption and basin characteristics, in addition to precipitation. 

“It can create various occupancy levels in dams”

Kadıoğlu said that dam occupancy levels do not increase at the same rate as precipitation. In the region where the precipitation falls, the water retention capacity of the soil, type of precipitation and its timing all contribute. He also said that a significant portion of the first rainfalls following a long-lasting drought may be spent on resolving the soil’s moisture deficit, while short-term and severe downpours, causing floods, can exit the system without reaching the dams.  

According to Kadıoğlu, dam occupancies are also affected by inter-basin water transfers, withdrawals made for drinking water, agricultural irrigation and industry, as well as the physical characteristics of reservoirs. Evaporation loss can be higher in shallow and wide reservoirs. 

“Even if the same amount of water inflow occurs, different consumption rates can create different occupancy levels in dams," he said. 

“The reasons for the differences in the increase in the four major cities”

Different dam occupancy increase rates were recorded across the four major cities. The active occupancy rate increased from 44.3% to 46.9% in İstanbul, from 11% to 32.8% in Ankara, from 4.3% to 39.6% in İzmir, and from 36.1% to 39.4% in Bursa. 

Kadıoğlu stated that the reason for the different rate increases across the cities varied. He pointed out that especially high increases in İzmir and Ankara stemmed from low initial levels. 

"The nearly nine-fold increase in İzmir does not show that İzmir's water problem has been solved, but how dangerous of a point it was at last year," he said. 

On the other hand, the increase in İstanbul and Bursa appears more limited simply because last year’s occupancy rates were higher, he clarified. 

“The occupancy rate alone is not a metric of water security” 

In his evaluation, Kadıoğlu said that "İstanbul has the highest daily water consumption in the country. Incoming water largely goes directly to consumption without being stored; therefore, even in a good precipitation year, the occupancy curve can follow a flat course. Industrial demand creates a similar pressure in Bursa."

Kadıoğlu also stated that water losses from evaporation in shallow reservoirs also increase during the summer months when heatwaves are more frequent, thus "dam occupancy rates are not a metric of water security on their own."

“The real issue is the change in the precipitation regime rather than total precipitation”

Kadıoğlu stated that Turkey is especially open to the impacts of climate change due to its location on the Mediterranean basin. In the future, alongside an increase in total precipitation, rainfalls could occur in shorter durations with greater intensity. Therefore, it could directly lead to surface runoff without infiltrating the soil, causing floods and reducing the storage capacity of reservoirs with the sediment they carry along.  

"Even if total precipitation remains constant, storable water can decrease,” said Kadıoğlu. “The joint occurrence of drought and flooding within the same year is the natural result of this regime." 

“The most important problems threatening water security are not being discussed enough”

The annual water amount per capita in Turkey is 1,301 cubic meters, so considering the 1,700 cubic meter threshold, Turkey is under water stress, stated Kadıoğlu. He explained that water stress cannot be explained by climate change alone. Expanding cities without observing their water budget and carrying capacity, along with continuing crop patterns unsuited to the basin, disrupts the water supply-demand balance. Climate change then further exacerbates these problems. 

“This water year is a window of time granted to us” 

Kadıoğlu said that drought monitoring, early warning and intervention plans must be created in metropolitan cities. Water restrictions should not be initiated after resources are depleted, but upon exceeding previously determined critical thresholds. 

He recommended that instead of using dam occupancy rates, the public should be informed on how many days of water would remain at the current consumption rate. He stated that zoning and industrial decisions must be linked to basin water budgets and basin-appropriate crop patterns must be established in the agriculture sector. He also said that water must be used efficiently, network loss and leakage must be reduced, rainwater should be utilized and treated water must be reused. 

Kadıoğlu also expressed that drought, as a slow-onset disaster, should be included in disaster management legislation and budget.

Kadıoğlu believes that the current wet period is an important opportunity for Turkey, but will not provide a permanent solution unless structural measures are taken. 

"The rainfalls of this water year are a window of time granted to us, not a solution,” said Kadıoğlu. “If we do not use this time for structural measures, the next drought year will find us right where we were last year."

(VC/İK)

According to reporting by the LGBTI+ focused news outlet Kaos GL the investigation was carried out by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office. The Prosecutor’s Office asserts that “entertainment for sexual purposes” and “obscene” actions “contrary to general morality” were carried out in the establishment.  

Seven people detained in the operation 

The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office announced that the investigation was made in response to complaints submitted on the Presidential Communication Center (CİMER), an online platform that allows citizens to directly contact the Presidency of Turkey and issue suggestions, complaints or request information. 

Originally proposed as a measure to increase state transparency, CİMER has become a go-to complaint tool for citizens, who have used it to report on a wide variety of activities, including those of a political nature. 

During the operation, seven people, including the business owner, manager in charge and employees were detained. The suspects were arrested under articles in the Turkish Penal Code pertaining to “obscenity” and “prostitution.” 

Seven arrested in Ankara ‘gay bar’ probe

28 July 2026

The Human Rights Association criticizes anti-LGBTI+ media publications 

Some Turkish news outlets used discriminatory, anti-LGBTI+ language in their coverage of the incident. 

According to reporting by Kaos GL, the A Haber news outlet used the phrase “LGBT perversion” in its headlines.  

In a statement following the operation, the Human Rights Association (İHD) drew attention to news publications targeting LGBTI+ individuals. İHD said that these publications fuel hate speech and discrimination, and called on the media to use inclusive, human rights-based language in their reporting.  

One of İstanbul's oldest gay bars shut down after invitation to 'gay cruise' passengers

29 June 2026

(NÖ/İK)

The online meeting, held on Aug 12, was attended by Atölye BİA Coordinator Ceyda Sungur, AtölyeBİA Research Coordinator Sinem Aydınlı, bianet Managing Editor Vecih Cuzdan and bianet Civil Society Stakeholders Reporter/Atölye BİA Assistant Evrim Gündüz on behalf of the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet, and Hivran Timur and Zeynep Sidar Irmak on behalf of the Children First Association.

During the meeting, we discussed the association’s arts and cultural activities and psychosocial support work with children, its mother tongue-focused workshops, and its neighborhood-based work in the Sur district of Diyarbakır.

Hivran Timur: ‘We were founded in response to a need that emerged after the appointment of trustees’

Hivran Timur said the Children First Association was founded in Diyarbakır in 2017 in response to a need that emerged after trustees were appointed to municipalities and several institutions in the city were subsequently shut down.

Arts and cultural activities make up the bulk of the association’s work. Timur said they conduct their activities in Kurmancî and Zazakî, with psychosocial support also forming part of their work.

Timur said the association also began working in Adıyaman following the Feb 6, 2023 earthquakes, but has recently refocused its efforts on Diyarbakır. She added that their work in Sur has gradually expanded into neighborhood organizing:

After moving to Sur, we saw that there were different needs here. We saw that children here were both being influenced by radical religious groups and experiencing serious trauma, along with their families, following the urban conflict in 2015. This led us to ask, ‘What can we do in terms of neighborhood organizing?’ We currently run workshops on a voluntary basis, without any project funding.

Zeynep Sidar Irmak: ‘We are trying to form a children’s theater group’

Zeynep Sidar Irmak said the association launched a pilot program during the summer after moving to Sur. The aim was to identify the needs of children in the neighborhood and gauge their interest in the workshops. Four workshops were launched by volunteers and continued for two months, with families applying directly for their children to participate.

Irmak said they wanted to continue the activities after the summer. To that end, they formed a group of children who had participated in the workshops:

We formed a group of seven children who took part in the workshops. We spoke with their families. If we receive their approval, we plan to continue drama, puppetry and Kurdish-language classes with the group during the school year and try to form a theater group with them.

Irmak: ‘We plan to expand the work to other districts’

Zeynep Sidar Irmak said the association has been working to combat child and forced marriage in Diyarbakır’s Çınar district. She said the work in Çınar had progressed better than they had expected. In the coming period, the association plans to carry out similar work in Bismil and Silvan.

Irmak said they would also broaden the scope of the workshops:

We will also add gender equality, reproductive health and sexual health education to our workshops. In Çınar, we had planned the workshops as two separate training programs, one for men and one for adolescents. We will carry out the new activities by separating the groups in the same way and expanding the range of topics.

Timur: ‘Children have never been treated as participants in discussions on peace’

Hivran Timur said the association was also seeking to bring the issue of peace into its work, noting that children’s experiences and voices have not received sufficient attention in ongoing discussions.

Timur said they had previously held photography workshops with children and that this experience led them to consider how a form of peace journalism centered on children could be developed:

We are now trying to put the issue of peace on our agenda. Children have never been treated as participants in discussions on peace. It is almost impossible for children to make their own voices heard in the media. We asked ourselves, ‘What would peace journalism focused specifically on children look like?’ We used to hold photography workshops for children. We are now brainstorming among ourselves about how we might connect that experience to this and what could come out of it.

Proposal for collaboration on child-focused journalism

During the meeting, building on the Children First Association’s idea of peace journalism focused on children, we also discussed possible collaboration on journalism that is both child-focused and participatory.

We shared bianet’s work on child-focused journalism and exchanged ideas on approaches that would allow children to take part in news coverage as active participants expressing themselves in their own words.

You can follow the Children First Association on Facebook, X, Instagram, YouTube and LinkedIn.

(EG/VK)

The reshaping of the agricultural sector through technology involves policies that will not only put an end to small-scale family farming but also, by dehumanizing agriculture, strip us of our ancestral agricultural knowledge. The mapping of all fields using drones, the reduction of agriculture to mere data, and the transition to “smart farming” through AI-powered agricultural machinery essentially constitute a plan to turn vast rural areas into components of a surveillance system. Under this plan, farmers will be reduced to “data slaves,” while their dependence on large-scale capital companies will increase. Furthermore, connecting tractors to cloud systems also brings with it the risk of cyberattacks, such as the sabotage of farmers’ fields or the theft of their data.

The technology, marketed under names such as “smart agriculture,” “soilless agriculture,” and “digital agriculture,” is promoted as a mechanism to take industrial agriculture to the next level—to achieve higher yields, generate greater profits, and, in particular, address the aging of the rural population. Having all decisions regarding the field made by artificial intelligence not only leads to a loss of production skills for farmers but also causes them to become alienated from their land and the crops they grow, results in the homogenization of produced goods, and ultimately displaces farmers, driving them into poverty. At the same time, smart agricultural machines equipped with artificial intelligence—which lock themselves against any external intervention—are allowing capital to take control of farmers’ means of production.

A monopolistic company like John Deere (1), which built its reputation by manufacturing agricultural machinery, has introduced autonomous tractors to the market in recent years. These tractors have effectively turned the farmer’s most basic means of production into computers. As a result, farmers can no longer intervene in any malfunctions that occur on their own tractors, nor can they take their tractors to a repair shop of their choice. The digital locks installed by the company on the tractors prevent farmers—who are seen as the last bastion of free labor—from having a say over their means of production or taking initiative. Realizing that they only possess the right to use the tractors they purchased, farmers are developing various strategies to counter digital capitalism. First, farmers filed “Right to Repair” (2) lawsuits, which they won, forcing the monopolistic company to pay $99 million in damages.

Furthermore, under the terms of a settlement presented to the court, the company was compelled to make all diagnostic software, error codes, emissions reset tools, and technical manuals—which it had previously provided exclusively to its authorized service centers—available to farmers and independent repair shops for a period of 10 years. (3)

These struggles raise the following question: Is it possible to build “solidarity technologies” that allow us to use technology to our advantage in the face of this digital exploitation? Can we develop fair distribution algorithms based on the collective ownership of the means of production? Our goal, of course, is not to reject technology entirely, but rather to seek ways and methods to build technology from the ground up for the benefit of the people.

In fact, solidarity practices built from the ground up for the public good—such as the Ahilik tradition and the culture of imece—are not foreign to these lands. There is considerable accumulated experience in this area, particularly through the cooperative movement. However, when it comes to the shared use of software, digital sales channels, and the like in the digital sphere, there are still serious shortcomings. Existing commercial applications are not only monopolized by corporations but also not designed in accordance with the principles of the solidarity economy. While digital sales channels increase the number of interactions with products and services, they diminish the underlying political depth and fail to transform product purchases into conscious political acts.

On the other hand, various initiatives have been implemented in this field through platform cooperativism. For example, the Sementler (4) application developed for the MST (Landless Rural Workers’ Movement) in Brazil—an open-source software created through direct dialogue with MST members—has facilitated the movement’s division of labor and management. Similarly, Grownby (5) in the U.S. and Fairmondo (6) in Germany are paving the way for farmers to engage in fair trade and make digital sales through an easy-to-use interface. While the development of digital platforms for the public good—from the grassroots up and tailored to specific needs—is a matter of formulating a policy in response to technology, collective ownership also frees farmers from heavy financial burdens.

However, just as capitalist companies turned to “toxin-free” food production through organic farming and launched a new certified agricultural process once the effects of industrial agriculture became clear, in the same way, robots (7) have now been developed that mechanically pull weeds, sow seeds, know exactly which natural fertilizer to inject into which part of the plant—in short, nourish the plant and harvest the crop at the end of the season.

These robots also perform planting and sowing tasks based on coordinates uploaded to the cloud. One might naturally ask, “What’s so bad about being able to easily perform these labor-intensive tasks—such as weeding, plant feeding, and harvesting, which are often seen as drudgery in agriculture—without using agricultural pesticides?” However, the fact that data from all rural land can be processed and viewed in real time—and that this data, under the guise of “defense systems,” could serve militarization—is truly concerning, as it will transform into a massive surveillance and control system over geography and people. Other issues we need to consider include the linking of surveillance systems to public agricultural subsidies, the shift of agriculture under corporate control, the disconnection of farmers from production—reducing their labor to mere buying and selling—and the monopolization of knowledge. Another issue that must be taken into account is the cost to nature and the environment of our use of artificial intelligence. It is clear that the water and fossil fuels consumed in the production process of these generative AI systems (8), as well as the soil and natural vegetation destroyed through energy extraction, will affect the climate and damage the environment in the long term.

This technology, which leaves us at the mercy of corporations, allows the environment in which we breathe to become increasingly polluted day by day and enables the irreversible depletion of clean water sources. With every operation performed via artificial intelligence, more electricity is generated from fossil fuels, and more potable water is used to keep cooling systems running. The narratives we’re told often portray AI systems as beneficial to the planet and suggest that these technologies will also protect us from climate change. (9) Yet what we’re being told is not the whole story. We must reflect on the ways and means to view and interpret these issues from the public’s perspective, to turn the policies imposed on us on their head, to rewrite the story from our own perspective, and to rebuild our approach to technology from the ground up. Concerns about technology are growing, particularly regarding issues such as artificial intelligence taking rare books from bookstores and destroying them (10) and monopolizing knowledge.

Recently, a large number of collectives and activists have been calling for new regulations, transparency, and greater accountability in the development of artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies. Furthermore, anti-technology activists are being referred to as the “new Luddites,” taking the place of the 19th-century machine-breakers. (11) These collectives and activists, who engage in direct action, target companies operating in sectors such as mining and the defense industry while sabotaging infrastructure systems. Anti-technology sentiment is shaped by three key factors. First, it is viewed as an economic threat stemming from the seizure of the means of production and the reshaping of production methods; second, it is seen as contributing to the dissolution of our bonds with one another and with nature; and finally, it is perceived as a threat that will ultimately eradicate human existence in the long term. We don’t have to look very far. The fact that the occupying Israeli regime uses hunger as a weapon against Palestinians, poisons fields with drones, and turns digital technologies into weapons of war to displace Palestinian farmers is proof that these concerns are not unfounded. (12)

For centuries, we have possessed the agricultural skills that have sustained us and enabled us to produce our own food. By taking control of our own food systems, we can collectively decide—from the perspective of food sovereignty—what to produce, how, when, and for whom. We are not bound by autonomous systems and algorithms created through artificial intelligence—such as “smart farming,” “soil-less farming,” and “robotic farming”—that are imposed on us in the name of productivity and market conditions. Moreover, when we consider the effects of industrial agriculture on our health, it is clear that these systems are not the way to sustain our lives. A long life depends on plenty of physical activity, working the land, and living in harmony with nature. The international farmers’ organization La Via Campesina has conducted studies showing that if food sovereignty is established, wise peasant farming can prevent hunger. (13)

While producing our own food, we can adapt technology to our own benefit in the areas where we need it. We must envision a new structure where this process—which currently favors corporations—is transformed through collective wisdom. Solidarity technologies should be an integral part of the people’s food sovereignty and must serve the public interest and the people themselves.

Sources

1) https://www.croplife.com/smart-tech/more-farmers-are-adopting-john-deeres-see-spray-he res-why/

2) https://www.kqed.org/news/12077465/to-hack-a-tractor-how-farmers-won-the-right-to-repair

3) https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2026/07/ftc-states-secure-settlement-deere-company-advancing-farmers-right-repair

4) https://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/platform-cooperativism-brazilian-solidarity-economy

5) https://coop.grownby.com/

6) https://geo.coop/articles/fairmondo-cooperatively-owned-online-marketplace

7) https://farmdroid.com/products/farmdroid-fd20/

8) https://geo.coop/blog/cooperative-case-against-ai

9) https://yerdenizkooperatifi.org/index.php/2026/07/16/tarim-teknolojisi-karsisinda-ozerklik/

10) https://gazeteoksijen.com/dunya/internet-tukendi-sira-avrupa-sahaflarinda-yapay-zeka-sir ketleri-nadir-kitaplari-tarayip-imha-ediyor-282218

11) https://icct.nl/publication/stop-machines-rise-anti-technology-extremism

12) https://yerdenizkooperatifi.org/index.php/2026/02/09/filistin-direnis-ekonomisi-yayimlandi-t oprakla-kurulan-direnisin-hikayesi/

13) https://viacampesina.org/en/2024/10/la-via-campesina-to-undff-midterm-forum-we-refuse-to-let-this-be-the-decade-of-the-extinction-of-peasants-farmers-systemic-transformation-mu/

Rad says that in her youth, she kept a personal blog under a pseudonym, where she wrote about love, dating, romantic experiences, the books she read and the films she watched. She says the blog gave her a small but meaningful space of freedom: “That blog gave me a space where I could narrate part of my life as I was actually experiencing it—something that was not possible for me in public.”

Fast forward to today, she points to how significantly the outlook of daily life has recently changed: "For me, the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement marked the beginning of a shift in which compulsory hijab effectively lost much of its authority over everyday life. Today, the image you see on the streets of Tehran is something that might have been unimaginable to many of us ten years ago."

Rad reflected on what it means to be a woman in Iran, where the women’s movement stands today, and her experience as a journalist.

Control over the body

What does being a woman in Iran mean in public and private spaces? What are the main factors that determine or limit the spaces in which women can exist as women in everyday life? What are the legal, social, and cultural boundaries that clearly distinguish women’s lives from men’s?

From an early age, I was a rebel. Many of the freedoms that my family and society restricted for me seemed so self-evident that I simply could not understand why there should be any restrictions at all; why I should have to negotiate or answer for something simply because I was a girl, or why I should be denied the right to do something or have something that came naturally to me.

There were many situations in which I simply did not have the power to push back. Later, I learned how to protect myself better: by keeping my distance, making myself less visible, avoiding confrontation, and sometimes staying silent when there was simply nothing I could do. But in silence and in private, I continued to live on my own terms.

Even today, when I enter an environment or a group where freedom and human dignity are not taken seriously, I would rather leave that place and that group.

When I was younger, I had a private blog where I wrote under a pseudonym about romantic experiences, love and dating, the books I was reading and the films I was watching. I wrote about things I could not talk about publicly under my real name. That blog gave me a space where I could narrate part of my life as I was actually experiencing it—something that was not possible for me in public.

Part of this inequality and discrimination is rooted in culture and tradition, while another part is connected to Iran’s political system. The Islamic Republic is governed according to Islamic laws, and many people, including those who do not believe in Islam themselves, are forced to live under laws they do not believe in.

At the same time, I do not think all of these issues can simply be attributed to religion. Even among people who consider themselves anti-religious, certain traditional and discriminatory attitudes can become so deeply internalized that they continue to be reproduced.

One of the clearest differences, in my view, is that women do not have full control over their own bodies. At that point, we are no longer dealing simply with traditional attitudes or family pressure; the state directly intervenes in this area.

Limitations of legal protection

At what moments do women in Iran feel the inequalities and limitations arising from being women most strongly? When and how do you think this awareness develops in women’s lives? What was your own awareness and experience regarding this issue?

Women’s awareness of inequality does not always begin with a major event or a single defining experience. Sometimes it begins the moment a child realizes that something is forbidden or restricted for her, while it is completely normal for her brother or for a man.

These inequalities later reveal themselves in much more serious situations: in courts, in questions of child custody, and in cases involving violence and self-defense. In some cases, even a woman who has killed an attacker while defending herself against rape may face a murder charge and extremely severe punishment, including qisas (retribution in kind, which can include the death penalty).

In such situations, the difference between women’s and men’s rights and circumstances is no longer simply an everyday difference; it can become a matter of life and death.

At the same time, I do not think we can look at all experiences of inequality in Iran today solely through the lens of gender. Women certainly face restrictions and experiences that men do not, but there are also many issues that women and men experience together. Regardless of gender, we are all living under an authoritarian political and social structure, and in recent years, the economic crisis, inflation, poverty and widening class inequality have affected so many people’s lives.

That is why I do not agree with portraying Iranian women and men as always standing on opposite sides. My experience has been that many Iranian men support women and stand alongside them. I think it is important to distinguish between the Iranian government and the Iranian people. If we look at Iranian society today only through the lens of women versus men, we miss a large part of the reality.

Solidarity expanding to daily life

How did the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî / Zan, Zendegi, Azadi” movement that spread from Iran to the world in 2022 affect solidarity among Iranian women? What remains today from the forms of solidarity and organization that emerged at that time? Today, how do women create spaces of resistance, solidarity, and organization for themselves in everyday life?

I think a significant part of that solidarity is still there, although not necessarily in an organized form or through clearly defined groups and organizations. What matters to me is that this solidarity was never limited to women; Iranian women and men supported one another, and they still do.

Perhaps the most important change for me was that some things we had once only been able to imagine in our minds entered the streets and everyday life.

For me, the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement marked the beginning of a shift in which compulsory hijab effectively lost much of its authority over everyday life.

Today, the image you see on the streets of Tehran is something that might have been unimaginable to many of us ten years ago.

For me, the importance of this movement was not only in the street protests. It was also in the fact that large numbers of people decided to make different choices about how they wanted to live—and to accept the consequences of those choices. Part of that solidarity continues today through these everyday choices.

That is why I do not see the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement simply as a women’s movement. I see it as part of a broader effort by people who wanted to live more freely and to have greater agency and dignity in their own lives.

Invisible boundaries in journalism

Cases involving sexual assault, self-defense, and severe punishments imposed on women occasionally spark debate in Iranian public opinion. How might such cases resonate psychologically among women? Are there legal mechanisms, institutions, solidarity networks, or safe spaces that women can turn to in cases of sexual, psychological, economic, or physical violence? To what extent are women able to access these mechanisms and how effective are they?

In many cases, women cannot turn to reliable legal mechanisms or support institutions, and informal networks—family, friends, or people they trust—often play a more important role.

The legal structure of the Islamic Republic is fundamentally at odds with legal equality between women and men, and a significant part of these laws stems from the government’s official interpretation of Islam.

The problem is not simply that women do not receive sufficient protection from violence; sometimes the law itself can place them in an extremely difficult position. For example, as I mentioned earlier, in cases where a woman has killed an attacker while defending herself against rape, she may, depending on the circumstances of the case and the laws concerning qisas, face the death penalty herself.

As a woman journalist living in Iran, what difficulties do you face? Are there situations that you experience differently from your male colleagues because you are a woman while doing your profession?

I am a freelancer, and most of my work is online. I work from home, cafés, or while traveling. As a result, I personally have not encountered many of the restrictions that women in Iran face in their everyday working lives simply because they are women.

But there is one particular incident I remember clearly. I was working at an organization where one of my colleagues harassed me for months through his comments and, especially, his messages. Eventually, I raised the issue with the head of the organization. But because he had a close male friendship with that colleague, he did nothing about my complaint and told us to sort it out between ourselves.

In the end, that “male camaraderie,” despite the fact that I loved my work, forced me to leave.

We should not imagine Iranian women’s experiences as uniform. Depending on the type of work they do and the environments in which they work, some women face far greater restrictions, while others, like me, have relatively safe and independent working environments. These limitations do not exist in the same way for every woman.

When reporting on the problems women face, do special pressures, restrictions, or areas of self-censorship emerge for journalists? What are the professional and personal risks of reporting on these issues?

If you are a journalist who is very active on social media, particularly if you write about politically sensitive issues, you may have to censor yourself to avoid arrest or interrogation, or move toward less risky areas of coverage.

I have not personally faced any direct trouble so far—perhaps because I am not a well-known figure. From the beginning, I created a kind of safety buffer for myself: I did not publish my posts on Instagram, and I did not become part of any particular circle, movement, or subgroup. These choices have allowed me to remain relatively independent, although that does not mean there is no risk.

There are colleagues who have been imprisoned, summoned, or interrogated. So even though I have never personally experienced arrest or interrogation, I am always aware that the line between writing and getting into trouble can be very thin.

'The news finds its way to you anyway'

Looking at your own life, what event or experience has affected you the most, both as a woman and as a journalist? How did this experience affect your perspective on life, the women’s struggle, and journalism?

Becoming familiar with meditation, mindfulness and self-awareness changed my path and my perspective on the world and on life. I became calmer, happier and more hopeful.

I am a journalist, but unlike many journalists, I do not constantly follow political news. I start my mornings with gratitude, not by checking negative news. I am a very positive and hopeful person, even—and especially—while living in Iran. After all, when you live in Iran, the news finds its way to you anyway: through changes in the price of the dollar and the euro, through the rising price of coffee. I do not need to spend my time constantly scrolling as well.

I might change careers tomorrow and stop writing altogether. The freedom we have, simply by being alive on this earth, to do whatever we want with our lives is immensely beautiful and exciting to me.

I no longer dwell on the past, but if I want to answer your question honestly, several traumatic experiences changed the course of my life and the way I look at it. One of them was the psychological, emotional, and sexual abuse I experienced at the hands of a well-known Iranian filmmaker. I was young and inexperienced at the time. I spent a long time working through the trauma, and eventually I managed to come through that period alive, whole, wiser and freer. But I have to say, it was a very dark time.

Today, thanks in part to the MeToo movement, things have changed to some extent. Later, when I spoke to the admin of the Persian MeToo page about publishing my account, she told me that another young woman had experienced exactly the same thing with the same filmmaker. The pattern was so similar that she could hardly believe that the two of us were two different women.

He made films about young people and was deeply concerned with their lives and experiences, yet he himself was exploiting them.

One of the things that came out of that experience was that I ended up becoming a journalist instead of an actress.

Being reduced to symbols

What do you think is the point that those who follow the struggle of women in Iran from the outside overlook the most? What would you particularly like to tell those who want to understand the lives and struggles of Iranian women today?

The problem is that Iranian women are often expected to always represent something: either victimhood or resistance.

I myself might write about political and social issues one day, spend another day volunteering and working on a farm while traveling, or simply want to cook.

This part of life is less visible in the stories coming out of Iran that are seen and followed from outside the country.

If someone really wants to understand the lives of women in Iran, they also need to see this everyday, less visible side—not only the visible moments of protest and resistance, but also the complexities, choices, and even contradictions of women’s lives. (EÖ/VC/VK)

The meeting, held at Atölye BİA on Aug 11, was attended by Atölye BİA Research Coordinator Sinem Aydınlı, bianet Managing Editor Vecih Cuzdan and bianet Civil Society Stakeholders Reporter/Atölye BİA Assistant Evrim Gündüz on behalf of the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet, and Jiyan Tosun and Alper Yalçın on behalf of the İHD İstanbul Branch Conscientious Objection Commission.

During the meeting, we discussed the process of reactivating the İHD Conscientious Objection Commission, its current work and the rights violations conscientious objectors face in their daily lives.

Jiyan Tosun: 'Violations against conscientious objectors have changed form'

Jiyan Tosun said the Conscientious Objection Commission was first established in the 2000s and was active at the time on issues of conscientious objection, antimilitarism and opposition to war.

Tosun said they reactivated the commission in June 2025, noting that rights violations against conscientious objectors have changed form over the years:

Conscientious objectors face rights violations in many areas, including the rights to work, education and health, in addition to criminal penalties. These violations affect every aspect of a person’s life and prevent them from building a life for themselves. In the past, violations were more visible through detentions and criminal penalties, but today they have taken different forms. These ongoing violations in the lives of conscientious objectors are no longer sufficiently visible. So we asked ourselves, ‘What can we do?’ and reactivated the commission.

Alper Yalçın: 'Conscientious objection is an antimilitarist stance that goes beyond victimhood'

Alper Yalçın said people who declare themselves conscientious objectors are classified as draft evaders, those who fail to report for military service after being called up, or deserters. He said this affects their access to various rights in daily life. While conscientious objectors may be able to take jobs with social security coverage, they can subsequently receive official notices, he said. Yalçın added that the military status document required for university enrollment can also hinder access to education.

Yalçın also addressed the concept of “civil death,” which is used to describe the situation faced by conscientious objectors. He said the term risks defining them solely through victimhood:

Personally, I don’t want to wear the label of ‘civil death.’ This concept risks defining us solely through victimhood. For me, however, conscientious objection is an antimilitarist and anti-war stance that goes beyond victimhood. Alongside the rights violations we experience, we also want to talk about the system we oppose. Opening military spending up for discussion is part of that.

'We should discuss militarism together'

Yalçın said the struggle for conscientious objection should be addressed alongside military spending and defense industry policies. He said the structure and operations of defense industry companies should also be scrutinized, drawing attention to how security narratives shape social life.

Yalçın said discussions on peace should also create space for rethinking the concept of security. “We should discuss security, the budget and militarism together. Especially when talking about peace, we need to rethink our understanding of security and the budget. Who owns the companies in the defense industry, and how do they operate? How can we, as citizens, not know these things or be unable to talk about them? These are precisely the issues we want to open up for discussion,” he said.

'War is becoming increasingly normalized'

Yalçın also discussed how militarism is reproduced in everyday life. From schools to the media, people are exposed to ready-made narratives about groups defined as “enemies,” he said, stressing the importance of questioning these narratives.

Yalçın said constant exposure to news of wars and massacres also changes the way people relate to violence:

We witness so many massacres that they all start to feel like war games. Every day, we see somewhere being bombed on the news. War is increasingly becoming normalized as part of everyday life. At the same time, we are experiencing an immense sense of alienation.

'Militarism is also an issue for different social movements'

Yalçın said the antimilitarist struggle is not limited to the experiences of those subject to compulsory military service, pointing to the contributions of the women’s and LGBTI+ movements in this area.

He said the women’s movement, in particular, has opened up an important intellectual space through its critique of the relationship between militarism and masculinity:

What women have said against a militarist system that reproduces masculinity and assigns women a particular position is very thought-provoking. The women’s movement has always been part of this discussion, and so has the LGBTI+ movement. We also need to look at how other social movements have taken up the issue of militarism.

'There is a need for an information and support mechanism'

Yalçın said they wanted to create a space where people could ask questions about conscientious objection, obtain information or share the rights violations they have experienced. He said there are people who can provide legal support and stressed the importance of giving young people considering conscientious objection access to information and opportunities to hear about others’ experiences.

Yalçın described a recent conversation with a young person who contacted the İHD Conscientious Objection Commission:

You’re 20 years old and very confused about conscientious objection. You need someone to talk to, but everyone is frightening you about it. Naturally, you’re scared. Who are you going to talk to? There needs to be an information and support mechanism where a young person can call, freely talk about their uncertainty and get answers to the questions they have.

Yalçın also said they wanted the commission to be open to anyone interested in discussing militarism, not only those subject to compulsory military service:

We need spaces where we can discuss militarism together. A woman should be able to come, an LGBTI+ person should be able to come, an Islamist should be able to come. Let’s discuss militarism, the budget, all those rituals and the things that are held sacred together.

You can follow the İHD İstanbul Branch Conscientious Objection Commission on Instagram and X.

(EG/VK)

"Neutralizing Israel within the framework of international law in the face of its aggressive policies threatening regional peace and security has become an urgent necessity that can no longer be postponed," Bahçeli said in a written statement today.

The proposal comes days after an Israeli airstrike on an abandoned military base in northwestern Syria, less than 100 kilometers from the Turkish border.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and cabinet members said they were acting against what they described as Turkey's military expansion in Syria. Ankara has denied that its military personnel were present at Abu al-Duhur airbase before or during the strike.

"Whether it is a manifestation of its historic expansionism and disregard for the law, or an initiative aimed at the approaching elections [in Israel], what has been done is an unacceptable attack on law, peace and regional stability," Bahçeli said of the attack. "Turkey is not a country seeking conflict. At the same time, it is certainly not a country that will ignore threats directed at it, stand by as its sovereign rights are violated or leave its national security at the mercy of others."

What does Israel's Abu al-Duhur attack mean?

19 August 2026

Bahçeli also contrasted Turkey's Kurdish peace process and efforts toward regional stability, with Israel's attacks on several countries in the region: "While Turkey is strengthening its internal front with the goal of a 'terror-free Turkey,' it regards the stability of its neighbors as an integral part of its own security. The Israeli government, on the other hand, is associated with crisis, conflict, and humanitarian devastation across a vast region stretching from Gaza to Lebanon and from Syria to Iran."

Seven-point plan

The nationalist leader proposed a seven-point plan to contain Israel:

• The "Mecca Agreement," a recently signed collective defense pact involving Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, should be expanded to include more members and transformed into a "Jerusalem Pact." The initiative would provide Muslim countries with a joint security and defense framework and eventually become an "Islamic Peace Force" covering countries and regions targeted by Israeli attacks.
• A temporary Middle East Peace Council comprising the US, Russia, China and the European Union should be established to rapidly restore stability in the region.
• A Middle East Security and Peace Conference should be convened under United Nations auspices and in close coordination with the proposed coalition or council. It would draw up a roadmap for establishing a lasting two-state peace in Palestine and bringing peace and stability to the Middle East.
• Turkey should issue an "Ankara Declaration" setting out the principles guiding its approach to regional security and placing peace and stability at its center. The declaration should also state that Turkey would not remain unresponsive to any possible hostile attack by Israel and would not be responsible for the consequences. It should further emphasize that Turkey, as a nation that welcomed Jewish people during difficult periods, feels "sorrow and concern" that the Israeli government has been "left in the hands of a murderer."
• Ceasefires without international monitoring mechanisms were unlikely to last, past conflicts showed. A neutral "International Ceasefire Monitoring Mission" should be established under the UN.
• Mediation efforts led by individual countries should be replaced by an institutionalized, multilateral structure to ensure continuity in diplomatic initiatives. 
• A "Gradual Diplomatic Pressure and Incentive Mechanism" should be established as sanctions or diplomatic appeals alone had failed to produce lasting results.

(VK)

The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office opened the investigation on Aug 13, three days after the song was released. The investigation followed a targeted campaign against Matiz on social media and in the pro-government media.

Following questioning by prosecutors at İstanbul Courthose today, Matiz was referred to a court, which imposed an international travel ban on the singer.

The song's lyrics and video do not contain any explicit or sexual content. The video shows a man preparing to marry a woman exchanging contemplative looks with another man at the wedding venue. 

The song's video clip has got over four million views on YouTube since its release.

Matiz denies obscenity allegations

In their statement, Matiz said they wrote the song about two years ago and developed the concept for the music video with director Sinan Tuncay. They intended to depict traditional wedding celebrations from Turkey’s Thrace region, said Matiz.

The singer denied that the music video contained obscene material:

“My song is a work of art. The video contains no scenes, images or references of an obscene nature.

"The footage of two men looking at each other, which is at issue in the investigation, does not constitute the offense of obscenity, regardless of the nature of their relationship.”

“Two people looking at each other or dancing together is not a crime. They could be looking at each other with love, hatred or resentment. All of these are subjects of cinema, art and literature and should not be criminalized.”

Trans activist Janset Kalan sentenced for 'obscenity' over photo showing 'cleavage'

26 November 2025

'I'm constantly forced to explain my work'

Matiz also said their works were being interpreted through the lens of their gender identity, resulting in them being forced to explain them to judicial authorities:

“I do not accept that criminal meanings are systematically attributed to many of my works based on my identity. I think it is unfair that I am constantly forced to explain my work.

"I sincerely and humbly ask myself whether any investigation would have been opened, or whether the same interpretations would have been made, if the same works had been created by another artist. I reject the accusations against me.” 

This is not the first time Matiz is investigated over a song. As an openly queer singer, they previously faced an obscenity case over their song “Perperişan,” released in September. They were acquitted in that case.

Matiz is a popular singer in Turkey, with more than 2 billion total streams on Spotify and a monthly audience of over 20 million on YouTube.

'Obscenity' investigations

In recent years, authorities have increasingly used obscenity laws. While this practice began with targeting adult-content creators, the scope of such investigations has now also extended beyond explicit material.

Public figures such as musicians and social media personalities faced obscenity charges over their statements and the content they produced.

Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code prohibits the publication of obscene content through the media. The law covers "general obscenity" and "obscenity involving children" but does not provide a specific definition of obscene material.

Publishing or facilitating the publication of obscene images, writing or speech is punishable by six months to three years in prison and a judicial fine of up to 5,000 days.

Turkey expands ‘obscenity’ investigations to musicians as 'girl band' given travel ban

10 September 2025

(EMK/VC/VK)

The limestone figurines were found during excavations at Gedikkaya Hill and İn Cave in Bilecik’s İnhisar district. Some were coated with clay, while the largest measured about 30 centimeters long and 20 centimeters wide.

The excavations were conducted from May 18 to Jul 18 by a 14-member team led by Prof. Deniz Sarı of Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University’s Department of Archaeology.

Radiocarbon tests place the finds in the Epipaleolithic period, which lasted roughly from 20,000 to 10,000 BC. Researchers believe the figurines were made for ritual purposes and placed inside the cave.

Local residents found nearly 30 dead storks on Aug 19 along a high-voltage power line in an agricultural area in the Marmaraereğlisi district of Tekirdağ.

"Unfortunately, dozens of storks are lying dead along the roadsides. Apparently this happens every year, but this is the first time we have seen it on this scale," Marmaraereğlisi Environmental Volunteers Association chair Mine Olgaç told Mezopotamya Agency (MA).

More than 100 storks were also recently found dead around Küçükçekmece Lake on the outskirts of İstanbul, where electric railway lines are located as part of an ongoing high-speed railway project between İstanbul and Edirne. 

A key migration route

İstanbul lies on one of the two main migration corridors connecting Europe and Africa, along with the Iberian Peninsula-Gibraltar route. Storks winter in Africa and migrate through Turkey to Europe in the spring, where they breed, before returning south in the autumn.

The European breeding population is estimated at about 224,000 to 247,000 pairs, according to Migration Atlas. Tens of thousands of the eastern population are estimated to migrate through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and continues through the Middle East toward eastern and southeastern Africa.

Field counts recorded 50,000 to 120,000 storks passing through İstanbul between 2006 and 2010.  

Measures introduced in Küçükçekmece

Following the deaths, Turkish State Railways (TCDD) launched a scientific study and introduced initial measures including insulation and devices designed to prevent birds from perching on electrical infrastructure.

TCDD said further measures would be developed according to risks identified through scientific assessment to minimize contact between migratory birds and railway electrification systems.

Birdwatcher and activist Erdem Kuruca, who is closely following the developments in the area, told BBC Turkish that without these measures, "the death toll could have reached several hundred."

"When the storks arrive in the evenings, a maintenance vehicle is on the tracks to prevent them from approaching," he said.

Dr. Ergün Bacak, a wilflife expert at İstanbul University-Cerrahpaşa, called for insulation along its electrical lines, as well as broader measures in the country's northwestern region of Thrace. 

"More ornithological monitoring should be carried out before power lines and wind turbines are built in Thrace, and necessary measures should be taken in areas that pose a risk," he told Anadolu Agency (AA).

Milleyha: Migratory birds' gateway to Turkey threatened by earthquake debris

14 December 2024

Deaths gone unnoticed in previous years

Kuruca said similar deaths occurred in Küçükçekmece in previous years but they had not attracted public attention, citing his recent conversations with local people. 

"We need to keep this issue on the agenda," he said during an Aug 14 program on Apaçık Radyo. "Unfortunately, we spoke to people who live there and people who are constantly in the area. These deaths happened last year as well. They happened the year before that, too. But nobody knew about them. So even in İstanbul, we are not aware of these deaths."

Stork Yaren reunites with fisherman friend for 15th year in Bursa 'stork village'

27 February 2026

Why do birds perch on power lines?

Dr. Bacak said habitat loss can leave migratory birds such as storks with few safe places to rest, forcing them to perch on power lines.

"If storks land on the ground, they may become prey for species such as jackals and stray dogs. That is why they prefer to spend the night perched somewhere high," said.

Birds can normally perch on electrical wires without being harmed, but storks, which have broad, long wings, can touch two wires at the same time, completing an electrical circuit and causing electrocution, Bacak noted.

Authorities adding water to Türkiye's largest saline lake to prevent baby flamingo deaths

5 August 2022

Other risky regions

Not only Turkey's northwest, but much of its soil lies on bird migration routes. Some areas pose particular risks according to Dr. Bacak, including the Bosphorus and Dardanelles traits, the Belen Pass in Hatay and the Çoruh Valley in Artvin, all narrow corridors where large numbers of migratory birds pass.

"Construction projects, wind turbines and power lines in these areas put birds at greater risk," he said. "After Thrace, provinces such as Mersin, Hatay and Adana are generally among the places where power lines and poles kill the most birds."  (VK)

The seasonally and calendar-adjusted labor underutilization rate, which includes time-related underemployment, the potential labor force and unemployed people, fell by 0.2 percentage points to 29%.

Labor force

Employment increased by 155,000 from the previous quarter to 32.479 million people, while the seasonally adjusted employment rate rose by 0.1 percentage points to 48%. The rate stood at 65.8%for men and 31.6% for women.

The labor force expanded by 71,000 to 35.278 million people, while the labor force participation rate declined by 0.1 percentage points to 52.7%. Participation was 70.6% among men and 35.3% among women.

Gender breakdown

The unemployment rate was estimated at 6.7% for men and 10.3% for women.

Youth unemployment

Among people aged 15 to 24, the seasonally adjusted unemployment rate fell by 1 percentage point to 13.9%. Youth unemployment was estimated at 11% for men and 19.3% for women.

Sectors

Employment increased by 240,000 in services, 25,000 in construction and 10,000 in agriculture compared with the previous quarter. Industrial employment fell by 121,000.

Services accounted for 59.8%of total employment, followed by industry at 19.7%, agriculture at 13.7% and construction at 6.8%

Working time

The seasonally and calendar-adjusted average actual weekly working time for people who were at work during the reference period rose by 0.1 hours to 42.3 hours.

The combined rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment stood at 19%, while the combined rate of the potential labor force and unemployment was estimated at 2%. (VK)

His lawyer, İsmail Topkaya, announced the release on social media. “Good news... My client Metin Turan, a revolutionary prisoner with his voice and words, has been released,” he wrote.

The Forensic Medicine Institute had previously concluded that Turan was unfit to remain in prison because of serious health problems. An application for his release based on the report was rejected by the Bafra Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. An appeal was subsequently filed with an enforcement judgeship.

Who is Metin Turan?

An Middle East Tehcnical Univesity (METU) graduate, Turan performed as a lead singer for the left-wing protest bands Grup Ekin and Grup Yorum. He was imprisoned for political reasons in the 1990s.

Turan began writing short stories in prison. His story “Öbürkü” received the Ümit Kaftancıoğlu Short Story Award in 2019. He also received honorable mentions in the Gülten Akın Letter Award organized by Nilüfer Municipality in 2021 and the Sait Faik Short Story Competition in 2022.

His published works include the children’s books “Zozi-Dodi ile Arkadaşlarının Maceraları” and “Keşfetmenin Güzelliği” in 2018, “Her İnsan Bir Zamandır” in 2019, “Ama Bir Gün Bir Şey Olur” in 2020, “Başka Türlüsü” in 2021 and “Parçalanmayı Bekleyen” in 2022. (FY/VK)

The league started with all Galatasaray’s main rivals praying that they wouldn’t win the title again and for a -wait for it- record 5th time in a row, yes, you heard it right. I’m sure if it happens again the other teams will move en masse to join the Islandic 2nd division and leave it for Galatasaray to play on their own. 

But never fear, from the jaws of victory they almost clinched defeat against 10 men Çorum. The game was dire and played so slow you could see snails whizzing past. (This is sadly true in most leagues now.) At one point I almost thought the winger had a walking stick as he waited for all the Çorum players to get back. Having so much time, they could have had cocktails on a sunlounge, waiting. Osimhen was starved of any meaningful chances and as the nerves set in the inevitable happened even against 10 men Çorum, a last minute equaliser. After the game the manager said we desperately need more players, not a great show of confidence in those he has. 

Fenerbahçe 

With each passing year without a title the pressure mounts, 13 and counting, and with the possibility of Galatasaray being crowned rulers of the world. This season feels like do or die again. However, in the few European games prior to the start of the season, they have looked compact and confident with a few new players. With this in mind, a game away to relegation favourites Gençlerbirliği should have been a walk in the park and it was, going one up after a few minutes, and then they, the opposition scored. Guendouzi’s face said it all, pleading I didn’t know they were allowed to score as well? Quickly like Bambi in headlights, they crumbled to a defeat. Lukaku will make a difference and I’m confident they can bounce back

Beşiktaş 

They are the loyalist fans in league, hopeless for a number of years, could the long-suffering fans have something to shout about this year? The stadium was bouncing but as the two above, they were nervous like on a first date, terrified in case they make a wrong move. Trossard was superb and a win will give them encouragement. 

The chasing pack

Trabzonspor signed “The Egyptian King” Mo Salah, joining from my club Liverpool. At first the western media sniggered arrogantly, then as more and more top players joined clubs here, they changed their tune; talking about how the amazing fans, culture, cuisine and of course beach life are creating a heady temptation. This could be Trabzon’s season as Mo is tempting the best to join him.

Mayor offers Mohamed Salah ‘climate change-proof’ land in Trabzon

6 August 2026

As the weekend faded to the last game, Samsunspor played Göztepe in what was the tie of the round 3-3, the sort of game you don’t even move from the couch. Göztepe are in fact my outside bet to win the league, building on last season’s achievements.

Another notable point is the inclusion of Amedspor in the Süper Lig from the Kurdish region; it is hoped at this critical time it is the football that does the talking and not the actions of some opposition crowds. 

This season as ever, I will be seeing my local long suffering amateur side mixing and enjoying the atmosphere. Another club just a little way away is now in the second league, and I may savour the delights there too. 

My eyes will of course be on the Süper Lig which I love. As football is run by big companies back home, there is still a connection between fans and their clubs here as it’s the members who run them. 

And whoever you support, I will be watching and clapping the beautiful game here. (DM/VK)

Israeli warplanes targeted the airbase, about 70 kilometers from the Turkish border in the eastern countryside of Idlib, with several strikes.

Defense Ministry spokesperson Rear Adm. Zeki Aktürk criticized Israel for targeting the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty during a weekly press briefing:

“Israel continues its attacks and military activities in southern Lebanon despite the framework agreement that was signed, while its latest attacks on Syria target that country’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity.

“We must absolutely not allow the perception to take hold that Israel’s military interventions against neighboring countries are normal and acceptable. Our priority is to prevent our region from being dragged into further conflict and instability and to establish lasting peace and security.”

What does Israel's Abu al-Duhur attack mean?

19 August 2026

Following the briefing, the ministry responded to questions about the Abu al-Duhur strike, clarifying that no Turkish military personnel was present.

“We state that no Turkish military delegation was present at the Abu al-Duhur airbase before or during Israel’s attack. For the peace and stability of both Syria and the region, it is essential that Israel end such reckless attacks and comply with the requirements of international law.”

The ministry added that Turkey would continue supporting Syria’s efforts to develop its infrastructure and military capacity under the principle of “one army.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claimed that the strike was carried out to prevent what he described as the threat posed by Turkey’s military expansion in Syria.

(VC/VK)

İkra Avcı was briefly detained on Jan 26 and stood trial for "terror propaganda" due to her action. She was eventually acquitted. 

She announced her dismissal yesterday on social media, saying she had joined the protest to speak out against violence and killings targeting women:

“I have been dismissed from my profession as a nurse. I braided my hair to protest the killing of women, violence and femicides. The price I paid was my profession. I will never forgive this injustice.”

The case dates back to January, when a video circulated on social media showing a member of the Syrian interim government forces displaying the severed braid of a fighter from the Kurdish Women's Defense Units (YPJ) in northern Syria during clashes between the two groups.

Kurdish women launched a social media campaign following the incident, posting images of their braided hair on social media. They were joined by women from many countries.

Desecration of Kurdish woman fighter's body sparks hair braiding campaign on social media

23 January 2026

Avcı also joined the protest by posting a short video.

Authorities opened both a judicial and an administrative investigation over the post, and Avcı was suspended from her job.

Several people at the time were subject to criminal investigations on "terror propaganda" allegations at the time.

Court denies release of 16-year-old girl detained over hair-braiding protest posts

17 February 2026

A court in Kocaeli acquitted Avcı on May 21.

The disciplinary investigation continued independently of the criminal proceedings, however, and resulted in Avcı’s dismissal from the civil service.

Under Turkey’s Civil Servants Law No. 657, dismissal from the civil service is imposed by an institution’s High Disciplinary Board. Avcı’s case was decided by the Health Ministry’s High Disciplinary Board.

The date, reference number and reasoning of the board’s decision have not been made public. No official explanation has been provided specifying which provision of the Health Ministry’s disciplinary rules was deemed to justify punishment for conduct that did not result in a criminal conviction.

Avcı is expected to challenge the administrative decision in court. (AEK/VK)

Syrian state television, citing a military source, reported that the base’s runway and warehouses were hit in eight airstrikes. Local and military sources reported no casualties, but the facility sustained material damage.

What gave the attack significance beyond Israeli-Syrian tensions, however, was not so much the location of the target as the justification Israel later provided. The Israeli Prime Minister’s Office claimed that an earlier understanding had been reached with the Damascus government on maintaining the “status quo” in the security sphere. It accused the Syrian government, however, of being on the verge of violating that arrangement by allowing Turkey to deploy at an airbase near Aleppo.

Israel’s statement indicates that the Abu al-Duhur strike was intended as a deterrent message not only to Damascus, but also to Ankara.

‘Turkish military delegation was at the base before the strikes’

London-based Arabic-language outlet Al-Araby Al-Jadeed reported citing sources on the ground that a Turkish military delegation had visited Abu al-Duhur the day before the attack.

According to the report, the delegation inspected preliminary work aimed at bringing the runway back into service. Sources claimed the work was still at an early stage, that some communications equipment was present inside the base and that a Bayraktar-type reconnaissance drone had been flying in the area. An Israeli reconnaissance aircraft was reportedly seen flying around the base after the delegation left, with the strike taking place several hours later.

The London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights made a similar claim.

A Turkish official speaking to US-based Axios denied these claims.

Reactions from Ankara and Damascus

The Foreign Ministry “strongly” condemned Israel’s airstrikes on Abu al-Duhur. The ministry described the attacks as a continuation of violations of Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Turkey’s Presidency Directorate of Communications also dismissed the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office’s claims about Turkey as “frivolous,” arguing that they were intended to legitimize airstrikes targeting Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The statement said Turkey would continue its cooperation with the Damascus government on a legitimate basis “to establish peace, stability and prosperity” in Syria.

Statements from Damascus also contradict Israel’s account of a “status quo.” A diplomatic source from the Syrian Foreign Ministry told Qatar-based Al Jazeera that there was no security agreement with Israel restricting Syria’s ability to develop its civilian or military institutions. The same source also claimed that Israel had been informed that no foreign forces were present at Abu al-Duhur.

Barrack’s ambigious remarks

Comments by Tom Barrack, the US special envoy for Syria and ambassador to Ankara, to Reuters make this uncertainty particularly apparent.

Barrack said the Israeli strike reflected a “perception, right or wrong,” that Turkey “could increase its presence at this base in the near future.” In other words, Barrack did not confirm that Turkey was preparing to deploy at Abu al-Duhur, but said Israel had acted because it perceived such a possibility as a threat.

Another important point in Barrack’s remarks was that Ankara had not been informed of the operation in advance. According to Barrack, Turkey observed Israeli aircraft moving toward its border and it would have been “reasonable” for Ankara to prepare a military response.

Barrack said a more serious escalation had been prevented and added that Washington was working to establish a stronger deconfliction mechanism among Turkey, Israel and Syria.

Why now?

Three dynamics stand out in the timing of Israel’s ‘Abu al-Duhur’ strike.

First, the Damascus government’s efforts to rebuild its military institutions and infrastructure are becoming increasingly concrete.

Second, Israel is no longer viewing Turkey’s support for this process solely as diplomatic influence, but as a factor that could alter the military balance in the future.

Third, US-mediated security talks between Israel and Syria have yet to produce a binding framework agreed upon by both sides.

İbrahim Hamidi, editor-in-chief of the London-based Al Majalla magazine, also drew attention to the timing of the Abu al-Duhur strike. He reposted an Aug 10 post showing a Syrian pilot conducting a training flight in a fighter jet in Idlib, adding the question: “Was Israel’s bombing today of Abu al-Duhur Airport in the Idlib countryside a response to this step?”

Is Abu al-Duhur a continuation of the T4 crisis?

What makes the ‘Abu al-Duhur’ strike more significant is that it was not the first such incident.

A similar crisis unfolded around the Tiyas/T4 Air Base in central Syria in April 2025. Israeli warplanes targeted the base following reports that Turkey was preparing to deploy forces to several Syrian airbases, including T4.

There is a striking similarity between the two incidents. In both cases, a Syrian airbase that had drawn the interest of Turkish military delegations and was being considered for reactivation was targeted by Israel shortly afterward.

The Israeli government clearly appears to believe that the deployment of Turkish air defense systems in Syria could restrict the freedom of operation Israeli warplanes have enjoyed for years.

The Israel-based Jerusalem Post reported on Apr 1, 2025 that an Israeli security source had described the T4 strike in these terms. According to the source, Israel was signaling that it would not allow a Turkish-operated airbase to restrict its freedom of operation.

From this perspective, Abu al-Duhur can be seen as another example of the red line that emerged at T4.

(VC/VK)

Araz Rasho Qoto was arrested on charges of "forgery of an official document" under an Aug 1 ruling by the İzmir 1st Penal Judgeship of Peace and sent to the Aliağa Şakran Type-T Closed Prison.

The court released Shahbaz Aras Naif Al Abdy with an international travel ban. Immediately after her release, the Migration Management took her and her two young children to the Harmandalı Removal Center, where they were placed under administrative detention.

Attorney Edhem Kuruş, who is handling the family’s case, said the health of 4-year-old Alveer should be given priority.

"What we are discussing today is not merely an immigration procedure or a penal investigation. It concerns the health and safety of a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy," he told bianet.

The child ran out of medicine

Kuruş said Alveer, born on Apr 2, 2022, regularly takes anti-epileptic medication and that the case file contains medical documents concerning the child’s epilepsy and neurological findings.

According to Kuruş, the family says the medication Alveer had with him when he was taken to the removal center has run out and that they have had difficulty obtaining more.

"No legal dispute should take precedence over the child’s health needs," he said, noting that any disruption to the regular medication of a child with epilepsy could have serious health consequences.

ÊZİDÎ WOMEN SPEAK OUT: S/HE IS MY CHILD/1

Zozan’s Family: You Have No Choice But to Give up Your Child for Adoption

27 January 2020

The family are demanding that the child be provided with his medication without interruption, examined by a specialist and, if necessary, transferred to an appropriate health care facility.

Pointing to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Turkey is a party, and relevant provisions of the Constitution, Kuruş said the best interests of children must also be taken into account in administrative procedures:

"Alveer is 4 years old. His sibling is also very young. Their father is in prison, while their mother is being held in a removal center with the two children. Under these circumstances, the impact of administrative detention on the children must also be assessed."

Residence and accommodation guarantee

According to Kuruş, the family has a fixed address where they can stay in Menemen. A Turkish citizen has also pledged to provide accommodation and meet the basic needs of the mother and children, and to take responsibility for the family if they are released from the removal center.

The lawyer also noted that the mother's travel ban and said these circumstances should be considered when assessing alternatives to administrative detention.

ÊZİDÎ WOMEN SPEAK OUT: S/HE IS MY CHILD/2

Meyrem: We are Left With No Choice But to Leave for Afar

28 January 2020

Kuruş said Article 57/A of Law No. 6458 on Foreigners and International Protection provides for alternatives to administrative detention, including requirements to reside at a specified address, report to the authorities or provide a signature at designated intervals.

"In this case, there is a fixed address, there is a guarantee that the family will be received and provided with accommodation, and the mother is subject to a travel ban. The authorities should therefore reassess whether the necessary supervision can be maintained without holding her, and especially the young children, in a closed facility.

"If administrative supervision can be ensured through less restrictive and enforceable measures, why is a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy still being held under these conditions?"

Father's detention

Kuruş argued thatr the detention of the father, Araz Rasho Qoto, should also be reconsidered in light of the family’s current circumstances:

"If the objectives of the investigation can be achieved through less restrictive measures such as judicial supervision, whether continued detention is proportionate should be reconsidered.

"We are not opposed to the enforcement of the law. On the contrary, we want the law to be properly applied. But in applying the law, the right to life, health and best interests of Alveer, a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy, cannot be disregarded.

"At the center of this case is not merely an immigration procedure or a penal investigation. At the center of this case is a 4-year-old child. And a 4-year-old child’s right to life cannot be made secondary to any bureaucratic consideration." (NÖ/VK)

The object fell into the courtyard of the Arsin District Security Directorate at around 7 pm, the Trabzon Governor Tahir Şahin told reporters at the scene.

Preliminary findings indicated that the object was an unmanned aerial vehicle, Şahin said, adding that authorities were working to determine the origin of the drone.

Fixed-wing drones, which are widely used in the Russia-Ukraine war, have occasionally reached northern parts of Turkey, but none had previously exploded there.

Videos circulating on social media appeared to show an explosion smaller than those typically associated with fixed-wing drones and more similar to an explosion involving an FPV drone.

Back-to-back drone crashes in Turkey's Black Sea region

24 June 2026

Military UAV crashes in northwestern Turkey

19 December 2025

(VK)

Meriç, who represents Antep in parliament, underwent surgery at Gaziantep City Hospital following the attack in the Şahinbey district. Initial reports said his condition was life-threatening, while officials later said he was stable after surgery.

The motive for the stabbing was not immediately known. 

The attack comes amid a split in the CHP, Turkey’s oldest political party. The New Party was founded by Özgür Özel after he was removed as CHP leader by a court ruling in May. Ninety-one of the CHP’s 135 deputies joined the New Party. The authorities did not comment on whether the stabbing was related to the political dispute.

Security camera footage captured the incident, showing an altercation between Meriç and the suspect following a tense exchange.

MP's condition improved after surgery

Gaziantep Governor Kemal Çeber, who visited the hospital, said Meriç’s surgery had been completed and that his condition was stable. 

“There were some scenarios we feared when our lawmaker was taken into surgery. Thankfully, none of them occurred," he said.

Çeber said he expected the suspect to be detained soon, adding that “the person is known to us."

Gaziantep City Hospital Chief Physician Prof. Dr. Ahmet Ulaşan said Meriç suffered an intestinal injury that was repaired during surgery.

“His condition is currently stable,” Ulaşan said. “There was an intestinal injury, and it was repaired. His blood pressure is stable. The latest information we received was that they had begun closing the incision. We can say his condition is stable.”

Meriç’s close protection officer was not with him during the attack because the deputy had given the officer time off around noon.

Parliaement speaker condemns the attack

Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş condemned the attack and said parliament would follow the investigation.

“I condemn the attack on New Party Antep lawmaker Melih Meriç and wish him a speedy recovery,” Kurtulmuş said. “Violence can have no justification, excuse or legitimacy.”

“As the Turkish parliament, we will continue to stand against all forms of violence and will follow the process through to the end to ensure that every aspect of the attack is brought to light and that those responsible are held accountable before the law,” he added. (VK)

The court ordered 20,000 liras in non-pecuniary damages to be paid to Tufan İlbaş and sent the case back to the Tekirdağ 2nd Enforcement Judgeship for a retrial aimed at remedying the violation.

İlbaş, a prisoner at Tekirdağ No. 2 Type-F Prison, had obtained materials to make bracelets as part of handicraft activities through permission from the prison administration.

In July 2022, prison authorities refused to allow a yellow, red and green bracelet he made and wanted to give to a visitor to be taken outside the facility. These colors are embraced by the Kurdish people as a symbol of their identity.

İlbaş petitioned the prison administration asking the reason for the action and did not get a response. He then filed a complaint with the Tekirdağ 2nd Enforcement Judgeship, alleging that he was blocked from giftinh the handicraft solely because of their colors and without any legal justification.

Top appeals court overturns 'terror' conviction over yellow-red-green necklace

9 December 2022

The judgeship rejected the complaint, relying on an Oct 2022 letter from the prison stating that İlbaş had been engaged in handicraft activities without the institution’s knowledge. It found no procedural or legal violation in the prison’s refusal to release the bracelet.

İlbaş challenged the decision before the Tekirdağ 1st Heavy Penal Court, saying the prison had provided misleading information. He pointed to a Jun 2022 decision authorizing beadwork in his cell and argued that only the yellow, red and green bracelet had been withheld because of its colors.

After the heavy penal court rejected his appeal, İlbaş filed an individual application with the Constitutional Court.

High court ruling

The Constitutional Court held that the handicraft activity in the case fell within the scope of freedom of expression. It noted that Article 26 of the Constitution protects the expression and dissemination of thought through speech, writing, images or other means, with the reference to "other means" extending constitutional protection to different forms of expression.

The court said İlbaş had stated that he was expressing his feelings through a bracelet featuring colors he considered culturally significant. It concluded that the restriction on taking the bracelet outside the prison should therefore be assessed under freedom of expression protections.

The judgment also said restrictions on fundamental rights must meet a pressing social need and be proportionate to be considered necessary in a democratic society. It noted that prisoners and detainees retain fundamental rights and freedoms under the Constitution and European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) case law.

The Constitutional Court also found that the enforcement judgeship and the heavy penal court had failed to adequately investigate whether İlbaş had permission to engage in handicrafts. A review of the case file in the judiciary’s UYAP system showed that an official document authorizing him to make handicrafts in his cell existed.

"Ultimately, in the present case, the prison administration and the judicial authorities failed to demonstrate, with relevant and sufficient reasons, that preventing the delivery of the bracelet the applicant wanted to give to his visitor met a 'pressing social need,'" the court said.

It added that the authorities had failed to show that withholding the bracelet was necessary in a democratic society and said the legal provisions cited by the administrative and judicial authorities could not, under the circumstances of the case, be regarded as satisfying the requirement of legality.

The court concluded that İlbaş’s freedom of expression, protected under Article 26 of the Constitution, had been violated. (VK)

In a written statement, the ministry said İsrael's continued attacks violated Syria's territorial integrity and called on the international community to take action:

“We strongly condemn the airstrikes carried out by Israel early today, on the Abu al-Duhur Military Airbase in the countryside of Syria’s Idlib city.

"Israel is recklessly continuing its attacks, which target Syria’s infrastructure and capabilities and violate its territorial integrity and unity.

"We call on the international community to adopt a more resolute stance to ensure an end to Israel’s aggression against Syria, which is taking on new dimensions with each passing day, and to ensure accountability for these actions that flout international law."

The strikes

Israeli warplanes struck the abandoned Abu al-Duhur Military Airbase in eastern Idlib province at around 3 am local time, according to Anadolu Agency (AA) reporting citing local sources.

No casualties were reported after the strikes.

An unnamed Syrian official told state television channel Al-Ikhbariya that Israel had carried out the attack. The official said Israeli warplanes conducted eight strikes on the airbase, targeting its runway and an unused structure inside a hangar.

Before the fall of the Assad regime, Israel regularly carried out strikes in Syria targeting Iranian forces and Hezbollah positions. After the regime’s fall, Israel expanded its attacks to weapons and missile depots and strategic military sites across Syria, as well as occupring some land in the country's south. (VK)

Essentially, peace has always been right where it is. The more the steps we take to bridge the gap between where we are now and the peace we seek align with human rights, democracy, the rule of law, gender equality, and so on, the faster and more firmly we will reach peace.

For human rights advocates and peace activists, the primary significance of this law is that it declares the removal of weapons and the end of the period of conflict.

The question now is what will be done next and which destination we will head toward.

The next step is to make peace a greater priority

The time has come for those who seek peace to become more active. The time has come to give substance to our demand for peace. The time has come to elevate peace to the top of the social agenda and make it a permanent element of every legal regulation, policy, and practice.

In response to the question of whether there are guarantees—unlike in previous processes—that will prevent a reversal of the current process, Hatimoğlulları’s refined assessment focuses on two key points.

The first highlights the risks of rejecting the process. It is a fact that rejecting the process increases the risk that it will not continue. They note that the fact that no one and no social segment rejects the process is an important guarantee.

Societal acceptance can lead even those who openly oppose the process to change their minds about it over time.

The second point, which she describes as “making it impossible to reverse the process,” indicates that we must not merely be witnesses but active participants on the path to peace. In this way, as agents who act rather than merely observe, we can actively contribute to the process and shape peace.

There is no doubt that we must maintain our critical perspective throughout this process. This critical perspective is one of the strongest qualities of human rights defenders, peace advocates, and activists. The critical perspective we possess allows us to subject every policy and practice related to peace to a critical scrutiny.

It is through this critical perspective that we can ensure the path to peace is shaped in light of universal principles.

A critical perspective should not hold us back from the process; on the contrary, it should motivate our active participation in it.

The law opens the door to speaking out

Following the end of the period of armed conflict and the announcement that weapons have been taken out of circulation, the possibility of opening up the space for free speech is increasing.

With the law’s implementation, the possibility arises for members of the PKK, which has dissolved itself, to participate in social life—whether they are in the mountains, in various countries around the world, or in prison. Regarding individuals who were under investigation or prosecution prior to the law’s adoption, a decision to postpone proceedings may be issued in accordance with Article 3. Similarly, detention orders or judicial control measures issued in connection with cases falling under this scope may be lifted under Article 4. Another important provision of the law is found in Article 6. Accordingly, prison sentences falling under this scope will also be suspended.

As demonstrated by the hundreds of reports we, as human rights organizations, have prepared, investigations and trials initiated under the Anti-Terrorism Law or the Penal Code have been affecting dissenting segments of society. They have also affected politicians who expressed their views on the Kurdish issue, journalists who reported on the matter, and human rights defenders who documented the violations.

For this reason, the law may provide a platform for civil society actors—who have no means other than their words—to speak out. Of course, the removal of all problematic legal provisions used against human rights defenders, politicians, journalists, academics, and union leaders would make this platform more robust.

Article 7 of the law, which regulates monitoring, coordination, and implementation, also offers an important opportunity. The provision in this article stating that “When necessary, the Council may establish subcommittees, and representatives of ministries, institutions, and organizations, as well as any other persons deemed necessary, may be invited to Council and committee meetings” could facilitate more active participation by civil society in the process.

Another stop on the road to peace: Social justice and public services

Social justice is one of the fundamental components of fully realizing peace. The close link between social justice and peace is articulated in the Constitution of the International Labor Organization (ILO), which states that “universal and lasting peace can only be based on social justice […].” The Constitution goes on to note that working conditions marked by injustice, poverty, and destitution lead to discontent among people. One of the key factors in ensuring social justice is the inclusivity and quality of public services.

Therefore, public services represent another crucial milestone on the path to peace.

It is critically important to provide the necessary public services to people arriving from the mountains or other countries, as well as to those about to be released from prison. For example, access to necessary health services is vital for former prisoners who have spent long periods in prison and suffer from health problems.

Similarly, ensuring that no segment of society feels excluded during this process contributes to increasing trust in the process. Trust in the process, in turn, plays a key role in building peace on solid foundations and ensuring its sustainability.

Armed conflict, grave human rights violations

As human rights defenders, we are well aware that the most severe human rights violations occur in conflict zones. We have prepared hundreds of reports, analyses, and assessments on this subject.

The data we compiled as the Human Rights Association (İHD) regarding the 40-year period of conflict and submitted to Parliament clearly lays bare the severity of the violations caused by the conflict.

The period of curfews that followed the end of the 2013–2015 peace process once again demonstrated that conflicts taking place in urban areas have a greater impact on civilians. The reports on curfews prepared by the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TİHV) highlight this grim picture.

Furthermore, since this conflict-ridden environment has also affected other areas of rights, we are not in a good position in terms of human rights according to many international indices in recent years. For example, the Global Torture Index prepared by the World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) finds that the situation in Turkey falls into the “high-risk” category. Similarly, the Global Rights Index—which addresses labor and trade union rights and is prepared by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)—indicates that Turkey ranks among the 10 worst countries in terms of rights.

In this regard, ending the conflict-ridden environment could lead to a reduction in both direct human rights violations and violations in other areas of rights that are negatively affected by the conflict.

We can give meaning to peace

It is up to us to make this period historic. There is broad consensus that the law alone is not enough.

A step toward peace has been taken with the Framework Law. There are thousands of steps yet to be taken toward peace, our ultimate destination.

Let’s continue the struggle for human rights.

Let’s keep taking steps toward peace. (Oİ/VK)

In the face of this revelation, Russia warned that the potential transfer of US-made weapons and ammunition from Turkey's inventory to Ukraine would cause "serious damage" to Moscow's relations with both Ankara and Washington.

Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova said on Aug 15 that they requested explanations from Washington and Ankara regarding the transfer plan, TASS reported.

Zakharova asserted that the shipment would not significantly alter the course of the war, but would lead to more casualties and destruction. 

Congressional records

An official notification submitted by the US State Department to Congress on Aug 3 and published in the Congressional Record on Aug 6 states that Turkey proposed to permanently transfer 70 M39 ATACMS missiles to Ukraine. The US administration informed Congress that it is ready to authorize the transfer, taking into account political, military, economic, human rights, and arms control considerations.

The document lists Turkey as the proposing country and Ukraine as the recipient. The transfer is projected to be carried out through Turkey's state-owned weapons and munitions manufacturer Makine ve Kimya Endüstrisi (MKE), along with US-based companies Pansophico and Patriot Defense Group. Turkey's justification is to reduce its inventory of legacy defense materials and direct its financial resources toward the modernization and maintenance of existing systems. Ukraine intends to use these systems to strengthen its offensive and defensive fire support against the Russian invasion.

The document does not mean the transfer has occurred. Congress has the opportunity to review the process and decide against the transfer. HRW also called on Congress on Aug 11 to block the transfer.

The package is not limited to ATACMS

According to an analysis published by HRW on Aug 11, the 256 million US dollar package that Turkey wants to transfer includes 12 M270 multiple launch rocket systems, as well as three types of cluster munitions:

• 70 M39 ATACMS missiles: A total of 66,500 submunitions, with 950 M74 submunitions in each.
• 2,524 M26 rockets: A total of 1,625,456 submunitions, with 644 M77 submunitions in each.
• 47,000 M509A1 203 mm artillery shells: A total of 8,460,000 submunitions, with 180 M42 submunitions in each.

This brings the total number of explosive submunitions carried by the cluster munitions in the package to 10,151,956. HRW points out that the munitions are decades-old legacy systems, and submunitions that fail to explode on the ground could pose a long-term danger to civilians.

Allegations against Turkey

A report published by HRW in Dec 1994 noted that there were allegations in the Turkish media indicating the Turkish Air Force used cluster bombs in some operations against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) militant group.

The report specifically highlights an air operation in Jan 1994 against the PKK's Zaleh camp in northern Iraq. According to a television news report cited by HRW, F-16 and F-4 fighter jets participated in the operation, and cluster bombs were among the total of 132 bombs dropped. HRW based this information on media reports.

The Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor, which tracks use and policy developments regarding landmines and cluster munitions, reviews records indicating Turkey may have used cluster munitions in the past, but Turkey states it has not used these munitions since 2005.

Cluster Bomb Ban is in Effect, but Where is Turkey?

3 August 2010

What did Turkey say before?

Turkey's Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva reported at the 2023 meeting of the Convention on Cluster Munitions that Turkey has not used, produced, imported, or transferred cluster munitions since 2005, and has no intention of doing so in the future. Turkey declared the same stance again in Sep 2024.

Since Turkey is not a party to the convention, these statements do not constitute a legal obligation arising from the treaty. However, they reflect the official policy that Ankara has declared to the public and to the states parties to the convention for years.

How does it differ from the 2023 allegations?

The allegation that Turkey sent cluster munitions to Ukraine did not surface for the first time.

Foreign Policy wrote in Jan 2023, based on unnamed current and former US and European officials, that Turkey sent US-designed DPICM-type cluster munitions to Ukraine in late 2022. Turkey denied the allegation. Ukraine's Ambassador to Ankara, Vasyl Bodnar, also said the news was not accurate.

However, the issue continued to be discussed afterward. According to the Cluster Munition Monitor 2024, photographs showing Turkish-made M483A1 cluster munitions in the hands of Ukrainian forces were published in Aug 2023. Import records announced the same year contained data indicating Ukraine acquired Turkish-made ammunition, but the records listed Romtehnica, a trading company under the Romanian Defense Ministry, as the shipper instead of Turkey.

The fundamental difference between the current situation and the 2023 discussion is that the intent to transfer is no longer just the subject of a report based on anonymous sources. Turkey's plan to re-transfer US-origin weapons to Ukraine is now reflected in official US Congress records.

US also sent cluster munitions to Ukraine

According to the Cluster Munition Monitor, the Joe Biden administration announced at least seven cluster munition transfers to Ukraine between July 2023 and October 2024. The US did not share the total amount of munitions sent with the public.

According to HRW, US defense budgets have contained provisions limiting the export of certain cluster munitions since 2009. The Biden administration utilized a legal exception mechanism for the transfers made to Ukraine. HRW notes that it is not publicly known whether the Trump administration made a similar exception decision for the current Turkey-Ukraine transfer. (NÖ/VK)

Filling and paving work has been completed on about half of the roughly 300,000-square-meter area near the EXPO Center exhibition site, while ground preparation continues on the remaining section before asphalt is laid, local newspaper Antalya Körfez Gazetesi reported.

The parking area is being built to accommodate vehicles used by delegations and visitors attending the conference.

Earlier reports said construction in the same area included prime agricultural land belonging to the Western Mediterranean Agricultural Research Institute (BATEM).

A presidential decree published in the Official Gazette on May 8 authorized the Housing Development Administration (TOKİ) to carry out urgent expropriations for “parking lots and other infrastructure works” related to COP31 in and around the EXPO site.

The expropriation covers 64,635 square meters of agricultural land in Solak neighborhood the Aksu district.

Authorities reportedly plan to turn the EXPO site into a venue for national and international fairs after COP31.

'You cannot protect the climate without protecting the soil'

Professional organizations criticized the conversion. Ertuğrul Taştekin, head of the Antalya branch of the Turkish Association of Agricultural Engineers, said turning about 300 decares of prime farmland into parking space contradicted the goals of climate action.

“It is unacceptable for an event organized with the stated aim of protecting the climate to be prepared by destroying fertile agricultural soil that took thousands of years to form,” Taştekin said. “You cannot protect the climate without protecting the soil."

Cuma Mercan, head of the Antalya branch of the Turkish Agriculture and Forestry Workers’ Union, also previously called for agricultural land to be protected. “What befits COP31 is greenery, not concrete,” he said. (HA/VK)

Hatimoğulları acknowledged concerns over the extensive authority given to the executive power in implementing the law, arguing that the parliamentary commission and the broader public should play an active role in monitoring the process.

She argued that while the law does not yet address some of Turkey’s fundamental problems, it does not restrict the space for rights and freedoms either: "Once armed conflict disappears, the grounds for criminalizing these struggles will also narrow. That is the space this law opens up, and it is up to all of us to fill it."

Significance of the law

The 'framework law' has been passed. What steps do you expect to be taken first following its adoption?

Let us once again acknowledge the significance of the framework law’s passage with a majority rarely seen in the history of Parliament, as well as the value of our shared desire for the guns to fall silent. It is of historic importance that the body envisaged under the framework law becomes operational and that the National Security Council (MGK) swiftly adopts the necessary decision so the law can take full effect in all its dimensions. We believe the law will have a tremendous impact on Turkey's politics in the medium and long term and will strengthen the foundations of democratic politics.

At this stage, it is important for the law to be implemented in full and as quickly as possible. The political and psychological climate that will emerge if the framework law is implemented smoothly will pave the way for the next steps. In this respect, for the framework law, the first step, to realize its full potential, it must be followed by democratization and civil liberties legislation that expands and strengthens the democratic political sphere.

Nearly 4,000 prisoners could be released under Turkey’s Kurdish peace law

17 August 2026

You described the prominent role of the security bureaucracy in the mechanisms that will oversee implementation of the law as “the biggest handicap.” What is your main concern here? How do you think democratic oversight of its implementation should be ensured?

There may be concerns and questions about granting extensive authority to the executive under a law that passed parliament with such a large majority. Those questions and concerns do not necessarily have to lead to a negative interpretation. The executive must avoid mistakes in timing and implementation. On the one hand, we will continue to raise our concerns on this issue. On the other, we will work to strengthen the ground for democratic struggle and make the demand for peace a demand shared by all 86 million people. For this process to succeed, we must enable the parliamentary commission and the peoples of Turkey to become forces capable of monitoring and overseeing it.

Why the previous process failed

In 2015, the negotiating table was overturned by a political decision. What distinguishes today’s process from 2015? Are there safeguards this time that can prevent a reversal?

There are no absolute guarantees. Anyone who says otherwise is not telling the truth.

What we can say is this: The two structural weaknesses of 2015 were the absence of a legal framework and the lack of a timetable. This time, those shortcomings have been partly addressed. Parliament is involved, there is a law and there is a commission. We say “partly” because a timetable and binding oversight mechanisms are still missing. What you call a guarantee can only be established by filling those gaps. The nature and distinctive character of this process mean that it will move forward through an equation of “trust and safeguards.” The way to secure guarantees is not to reject the process, but to make turning back from it impossible.

A stop on the road to peace: The Framework Law

11 August 2026

Roadmap for democratization

Although a legal framework has been established, there are criticisms that the legislation does not address structural problems and that the state’s security-oriented structure remains unchanged. How do you assess these criticisms?

It is true that, at this initial stage, the law does not address some of the fundamental structural problems that society also expects to be tackled. But consider it this way: Does the law open up or restrict the space for struggles over the Anti-Terror Law and the Turkish Penal Code, freedom of expression, freedom of association and local democracy?

Once the context of armed conflict disappears, the grounds for criminalizing these struggles will also narrow. That is the space this law opens up, and it is up to all of us to fill it. Of course, it would be difficult for the state’s security-oriented structure to change through this law alone. What this law does is remove the justification for the conflict regime. Let me underline that: its justification. States of emergency, extraordinary powers, the Anti-Terror Law and similar measures all derived their legitimacy from the conflict. It is true that the apparatus will not simply wither away once that justification disappears. Dismantling it will be the political struggle of the second stage, and the program for that struggle must be written together.

The right not to be killed

14 August 2026

What should the concrete road map for this second stage you are referring to look like?

Steps are needed at three levels. The first consists of urgent measures. These are more or less clear.

The second involves what we might call medium-term measures. These include revising the Anti-Terror Law and related penal legislation, introducing safeguards for freedom of expression and association, reforming the law on local administrations, developing a concrete program on the mother tongue, establishing mechanisms for truth and reckoning with the past, creating a fair socioeconomic program and ensuring public participation in the bodies overseeing the process.

The third consists of longer-term steps. These include a democratic constitution guaranteeing equal citizenship, mother-tongue rights and strengthened local government, as well as a comprehensive transitional justice framework. The way to reach these stages is to broaden the struggle for democracy across the widest possible spectrum. That is also how we can lay the foundations for lasting peace, democratization and the construction of a democratic republic.

You say, “Peace cannot last unless it takes root in society.” How do you see the public response to the support that has emerged in parliament? In particular, what kind of political communication and language do you envision for reaching voters who remain skeptical of the process and nationalist-conservative segments of society?

From the very beginning, we have emphasized that making peace a social cause is essential both to building legitimacy and to making it lasting. We have tried to shape our work around that principle.

Our answer to the question “Why peace?” has always been that it serves the interests of all 86 million people and the peoples of the Middle East. For that reason, there is an inseparable connection between peace taking root in society and becoming permanent. And that reflects a fundamental truth.

We believe the support that has emerged in parliament also exists in society, and may in fact be even stronger. No one raised on this land, within this culture and tradition, would say no to peace. Whatever our criteria may be, peace is something we all share, and the framework law is an important step toward it. At the same time, we know there are segments of society where support is high but trust is low, or where people still need to be convinced. We are trying to remain in close contact and communication with them.

We are aware that voters who remain skeptical of the process see contradictions, such as the apparent paradox between supporting peace and democratic backsliding. To overcome these contradictions, we insist on pursuing the struggles for peace and democracy together, without separating them from the goal of building a peaceful and democratic Turkey. There are also some groups that oppose peace itself because everything they have accumulated politically has come out of an environment of conflict. These are groups that have benefited from the failure to resolve the Kurdish issue and cannot bring themselves to accept equality.

Of course, we respect freedom of thought and expression, but we will continue our democratic, freedom-based and dignified struggle for peace against hierarchical, sexist and racist approaches

'The way to protect the Republic is not to freeze its problems in place'

You said of some New Party deputies who voted against the bill that “they are perpetuating a 100-year-old mindset,” and later added that “a new era cannot be built on century-old assumptions.” What do you mean by a “100-year-old mindset”? What do you say to those who interpret these remarks as criticism of the founding values of the Republic, Atatürk and the Treaty of Lausanne?

Some circles are deliberately taking my words out of context through a forced interpretation. There is a coordinated assault on several fronts in this process. We have seen many examples of this in the past as well.

The truth is, they are not discussing what was actually said. They are discussing the intentions they themselves attribute to those words. We have been saying these things for years. This is nothing new. The context is clear. What I am criticizing is an approach that, whenever the Kurdish issue comes up, substitutes security for politics, silence for dialogue, and denial and conflict for a democratic solution. In fact, this goes back not just 100 years, but 200 years.

There is a fear that “if we discuss the Kurdish issue, the country will be divided; if we recognize rights, the state will weaken; if we expand the political sphere, national unity will be undermined.” Yet 100 years of experience have shown us the opposite. What strengthens unity is not denial and conflict, but equality and the rule of law. This process will also be a period in which these fears are overcome. That is what our struggle is about. If a new era is to be built, it will have to be built by learning from the past.

That is why we say creating taboos does a disservice to all 86 million people. The way to protect the Republic is not to freeze its problems in place, but to make it more democratic, more equal and stronger for everyone. That is the essence of what I meant.

I consider many of the Republic’s achievements important. But we also have to speak about its shortcomings. We will continue to criticize the failure to democratize, the denial of the identities, languages and beliefs of citizens from different peoples and faiths, violence against women, the disregard for nature and human rights, and systems of tutelage, whether military or political. Kurds and all peoples, Alevis, Christians and people of all faiths should be able to speak their own languages and practice their beliefs freely. We are fighting for democracy in substance, not merely in name.

We will not only criticize. We will also work to build a democratic republic. (NÖ/VK)

“We are talking about a law that will affect 125,000 cases in total,” Bakırhan said in an Aug 15 interview with T24 news site. “In the first stage, nearly 3,800 to 3,900 of our imprisoned friends will be released. There are also 75,000 ongoing investigations and prosecutions, as well as 50,000 investigations being conducted secretly.”

The legislation, which marks the first step in the peace initiative launched nearly two years ago, passed by a large majority in an Aug 10 vote. It covers ongoing and concluded criminal cases and investigations related to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

Parliament passes bill suspending sentences for PKK members

11 August 2026

The law excludes intentional killings committed as part of PKK activities, as well as offenses carrying aggravated life sentences that were committed before Jun 1, 2005. As a result, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan and many others do not fall within its scope.

Bakırhan said around 900 people were excluded in this first stage of the process due to these conditions but their inclusion would be considered in the next stage.

“It will be a law covering everyone, including those whose investigations or prosecutions are ongoing, those in exile, and those in prison,” he said.

A stop on the road to peace: The Framework Law

11 August 2026

State oversight

Implementation of the law will depend on the state confirming that the PKK has laid down its arms.

The confirmation process will have four stages, Interior Minister Mustafa Çiftçi told Hürriyet newspaper on Aug 14: The group would first surrender its weapons, after which security agencies would verify the disarmament on the ground. The findings would then be confirmed by a National Security Council (MGK) decision.

The decision would subsequently be published in the Official Gazette, allowing judicial authorities to take the steps outlined in the law. State oversight would continue during the normalization process.

The right not to be killed

14 August 2026

Background

The initiative to end the 40-year armed conflict began in Oct 2024 after Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli, a key ally of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, suggested that Öcalan could benefit from the “right to hope” and be released in return for dissolving the PKK.

Öcalan, who has been imprisoned since 1999, responded by calling on the group to lay down its arms in Feb 2025. The PKK held a congress in May, where it announced its decision to dissolve itself.

Prof. Kaboğlu: Peace process law is 'an undeclared amnesty'

14 August 2026

A parliamentary committee was subsequently established to draw up the legal framework for the peace process. The committee worked throughout the second half of 2025 and heard from groups directly affected by the conflict such as the Saturday Mothers/People, along with rights advocates, journalists and intellectuals.

The first law resulting from that work was adopted on Aug 10. Rather than serving as comprehensive legislation for the entire process, it focuses on the conditions for the PKK’s disarmament and the suspension of proceedings involving PKK-related offenses.

The law does not include a provision concerning Öcalan’s “right to hope.” Further legislation is expected as the process continues.

Bahçeli calls for release of Öcalan, Demirtaş as ‘Kurdish peace law’ heads to parliament

5 August 2026

(VK)

Francisco Franco’s four-decade rule left deep and lasting negative effects on Spanish society, which still continue to shape the country’s politics, as seen in a strengthened far right. Fifty years after the death of the dictator, experts are split over how to educate younger generations about the legacy of his ideology. Unlike other infamous 20th-century leaders such as Hitler and Mussolini, whose regimes collapsed in the flames of war, Franco’s dictatorship endured for around four decades. Spain remained under his rule from the end of the Spanish Civil War until 1975, when he died peacefully in his bed.

The Franco regime was among the most violent of modern times: between 115,000 and 130,000 people disappeared, 150,000 were assassinated, some 30,000 children were stolen from their parents, and thousands of political opponents were put in prison. According to the Platform for the Truth Commission, there are approximately 2,800 Franco-era mass graves around Spain.

Following Franco's death in 1975, King Juan Carlos and leading political figures initiated a process of transition to a constitutional democracy, and they enacted the 1977 Amnesty Law. This law pardoned political crimes committed during the dictatorship era, intending to secure a peaceful transition to democracy. Briefly, the Amnesty Law freed all political prisoners of the regime and allowed exiles to return to the country. However, it also granted legal impunity for human rights abuses and crimes committed by state officials and security forces during the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship.

This blanket legal immunity granted to state officials and perpetrators of political violence committed during the dictatorship and Civil War is strongly criticized today by circles searching for justice and accountability for Franco-era crimes, as it still exists as a legal barrier preventing prosecution.

With the Amnesty Law, Spain entered a phase known as the "Pact of Forgetting," which is seen as the main step of Spain's political transition and is described as an informal agreement and collective intentional silence. In other words, the Pact of Forgetting was a kind of consensus between both the left and right parties in Spain to avoid confronting Francoism and prosecuting Francoist-era abuses to ensure a peaceful transition to democracy. This silence was initiated in an attempt to end division and establish peace between all social and political groups. It was accepted that Spain had a collective sense of denial and a lack of awareness about the past owing to the pact of forgetting. However, since the turn of the century, an increase in demands for justice and accountability has been observed among the descendants of victims and left-wing activists.

Facing the past is seen today as an ongoing, deeply polarized battle over the historical memory of the Franco dictatorship and the Spanish Civil War, as well as a struggle to recover the dignity and memory of the victims. Early initiatives were marked by the first exhumation in October 2000, conducted by journalist Emilio Silva, the grandson of one of the victims. This exhumation led the way for a series of mass grave exhumations of Civil War victims. Also, Emilio Silva’s articles on the political dimensions of historical memory were valued as foundational references and had a significant effect on raising awareness. By using the term “disappeared,” the articles brought the victims buried in ditches onto international human rights and transitional justice platforms.

Official recognition of victims and enacting laws

Since its inception in 2000, the movement for historical memory has had a huge social and political impact, leading to the establishment of many memory associations throughout Spain, and hundreds of mass graves have been exhumed. National and international political pressure from these associations has resulted in official acknowledgements of the victims and the adoption of national laws.

Legal initiatives to prosecute Franco’s crimes and repeal the amnesty law also secured the support of international human rights organizations and justice tribunals. Although these international channels have not yet been successful, they have contributed to giving the movement more visibility.

The Historical Memory Act of 2007, although considered an important step, delegated the responsibility and initiative of the exhumations to activist associations. This caused many ethical and logistical difficulties due to the lack of national protocols and coherent coordination. Today, the government only assumes a “facilitating” role, relying on the self-management of the associations.

The Democratic Memory Law of 2022 expanded state responsibility for locating mass graves, declared Francoist court sentences illegal, and aimed to clear remaining ambiguities. It also enshrines the right to investigate human rights violations committed during the Franco regime and the transition period, including torture and enforced disappearances. However, it fails to remove the longstanding legal and institutional barriers that have prevented victims from accessing truth, justice, and reparation.

The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) urges Spain to repeal the 1977 Amnesty Act and advises that acts of torture and enforced disappearance must never be subject to amnesties or statutes of limitation. It also asks Spain to honor its obligations regarding the victims' rights to truth, justice, and reparation, to amend Article 174 of the Penal Code to adequately define the crime of torture, and to establish the legal and institutional mechanisms to recognize and guarantee the right to reparation. Article 174 of the Spanish Penal Code defines and penalizes the crime of torture committed by public authorities or officials. It targets individuals who abuse their official position to inflict severe physical or mental suffering, impair cognitive abilities, or attack moral integrity.

At the start of 2025, Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez declared that the year would be dedicated to remembering the impact of the dictatorship and celebrating Spain’s progress since the transition to democracy. In an opening ceremony at Madrid’s Reina Sofía Museum, he announced a nationwide program of around 100 commemorative events. However, the conservative Popular Party (PP) and far-right Vox denounced the initiative as a political stunt by Sánchez. Vox even called it a form of “necrophilia” which “divides Spaniards” by restricting “freedom of thought.”

Exhumations of Civil War victims and related legal and reconciliation initiatives require a separate, dedicated study, as they involve complex legal, ethical, and political dimensions distinct from ordinary historical research. Transitional justice work carried out through the Truth Commission set up under the Democratic Memory Council is expected to be effective enough to investigate all human rights violations from the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship. (NT/VK)

To trace the origins of this transformation, we must look to Turkish rap’s past in Germany, where it emerged not merely as part of the entertainment industry but as a struggle for existence.

In Germany in the late 1980s, the children of the Gastarbeiter generation were living in a limbo, caught between two cultures. Street gangs like the 36 Boys, formed by these young people who faced racism and exclusion in Germany, went beyond simply erecting barricades against Neo-Nazi attacks; they were also drawing their own cultural boundaries in defiance of the hegemony they faced in Germany. As artists like Boe B, Killa Hakan, and Cartel brought hip-hop’s rebellious spirit from the Bronx to Kreuzberg, rap evolved from a mere music genre into a form of resistance embodied in the diaspora’s anthems of rebellion. For the first generation of Turkish rappers, the microphone was the direct instrument of their existential struggle against assimilation and racism. Rap during this period was highly political; after all, simply existing as an immigrant on those streets was a political stance in and of itself.

This state of othering, rooted in immigration in Germany, underwent a sociological metamorphosis when it was transported to Turkey via the Berlin-Istanbul corridor in the early 2000s, transforming into class-based anger. Artists such as Ceza, Sagopa Kajmer, and Fuat skillfully translated the sense of victimization experienced in Germany into the socio-economic stagnation of Istanbul’s impoverished outlying neighborhoods. Culture had begun to serve not only as the voice of the expatriates but also as the voice of the city’s poor, who had been rendered invisible.

This phase marked the golden age—in qualitative terms—of Turkish rap, as young people deprived of economic resources and equal opportunities built their own cultural capital. Rather than through violence, these young people began to channel the anger building inside them by poring over dictionaries, making sociological observations, and blending literature with street slang.

“We come from the streets, and we tell the stories of the streets and the underground. Those rosy pictures shown on TV don’t reflect Turkey’s reality. Politicians turn a blind eye to our problems; they don’t hear our voices. We have no weapons; we only have our microphones and our words. With this microphone, we shout out our rebellion, our poverty, and how the system crushes people. Rap is the voice of the silenced and the ignored. Young people are venting the immense anger and frustration building up inside them—not through violence, but through words and music.” (Ceza – Crossing the Bridge, 2005) – Director: Fatih Akın)

The early 2000s marked a period when computers and home microphones became widespread, making production tools more affordable. Bedroom studios and internet forums created “autonomous zones” aimed at breaking the monopolies in the music industry. The pseudo-libertarian atmosphere felt in the country from the mid-2000s through 2013 led to different subcultures coming into contact with one another. Underground rap broke out of its ghetto and seeped into the gaps left by popular culture. Independent collectives established in many cities, along with underground albums and low-cost concerts, demonstrated that fully independent production and distribution were possible without relying on the capitalist industry.

As is the fate of any subculture that reaches a wide audience, Turkish rap also came onto the radar of the capitalist media industry once it gained popularity. In the second half of the 2010s, as digital platforms swallowed up physical media, artists rediscovered by the mainstream were subjected to a process of cultural gentrification. The sharp edges of the culture were almost entirely smoothed out in the pursuit of market share.

Independent rappers who rapidly attained capital, fame, and massive incomes quickly became apolitical to avoid losing these comfort zones and to steer clear of backlash from the shifting, harsh political climate. Lyrics that previous generations used to voice social injustices have given way to 808 basslines, pop/trap formats, luxury cars, and a hollowed-out mafia romanticism. The street has ceased to be a lived reality and has transformed into a synthetic image seen only in music videos.

The concept of “Battle Rap,” which has grown unchecked within rap culture and is used solely for quick social media engagement, has stripped musical production of its substance. Shows built entirely around “dissing” have completely overshadowed the literary depth and musical quality of the songs. The art of writing good lyrics and crafting compositions has been replaced by the pursuit of insulting one’s opponent and capitalizing on the energy of a hooligan-like crowd.

Amid this apolitical lethargy, one exceptional example that integrated into the mainstream while delivering political and social criticism through a modern trap/reggae sound was Ezhel’s album *Müptezhel*. The album, which combined class inequality, poverty, and a lack of future prospects with high-quality production, sparked a massive awakening. However, the state apparatus’s response to this dissenting reflex was ruthless. The legal proceedings, imprisonment, lynch campaigns, and life in exile that Ezhel was subjected to served as a clear ultimatum from cultural censors to the rap community. While this case institutionalized fear and self-censorship, the new generation of rap turned turning a blind eye to social issues into an industry standard.

Today, Turkish rap has completely lost its cultural influence, falling prey to bot streams, copycat songs, and a network of superficial connections. Looking at the works dominating the current market, it is evident that the culture reflecting the socio-cultural atmosphere has been replaced by caricatured mafia-style pretensions, misogyny, and hollowed-out identities. The vast majority of songs are confined to displays of synthetic wealth, meaningless choruses, and plastic gang simulations that normalize crime. As the quality of music and lyrics is sacrificed to the anxiety of going viral in 15 seconds, rap has ceased to be the language of rebellion and has transformed into a corrupt showcase of capitalist consumption.

So, is it possible to escape this aesthetic abyss?

We can look for the answer in America’s own historical cycle. Just as Turkish rap was born in Kreuzberg, American rap also took root in the 1980s and 1990s as a political line of resistance in the hands of Black poets. Figures like Grandmaster Flash, Public Enemy, Tupac, and N.W.A. used music as a tool of struggle against racism and systemic oppression. However, in the 2000s, this culture succumbed to the industry—just as is happening in Turkey today. During this era, known as the “Bling Era,” major corporations stripped rap of its political edge, transforming it into a plastic product based on luxury consumption, chunky necklaces, and misogyny.

Yet American rap managed to rise from the brink of death. In the late 2010s and 2020s, visionary lyricists like Kendrick Lamar, J. Cole, and Tyler, the Creator established themselves as influential figures in the industry not only through their literary talent but also through the organic business structures they built (TDE, Dreamville, etc.). Thanks to these structures, which freed production from exploitative corporate monopolies, profound sociological observations conquered the mainstream from within. The pinnacle of this awakening was Kendrick Lamar’s winning of the Pulitzer Prize for his album *DAMN.* Awarded for the first time in history to an artist outside the realms of jazz or classical music, this prize was the most concrete proof that the new generation could restore the power rooted in their heritage to American rap music.

The salvation of Turkish rap also lies in bold, intellectual steps that leverage digital possibilities. The path to lasting success in this poisoned industry lies in the emergence of strong lyricists, artists uniting by establishing independent structures, and reinterpreting the first existential rebellion in Kreuzberg as a cultural rebellion in today’s complex world. Because Turkish rap is not a sterile entertainment space or a commercial project; it is a survival reflex born out of oppression and marginalization. (ECS/VK)

It was a happy place and it wasn’t lost on me that it led to the graveyard which was also a happy place, it took death very well. The people were left alone, Mehmet “The Soda Seller” and the self-declared “Genius” could just grow wild, never cut or tidied up, they stayed the same as when they were first laid, it was comforting. I planned to cut through and walk-up hill to the bench but decided to go up the road then cut through, I was a mixed bag of physical illnesses.

When all is lost, I take comfort in the dead here. A certain butterfly always flutters around Vasfiye’s grave, as it did today. A raven perched proudly on Osman’s tomb and the sweet hum of insects and birds blending with roses and lavender made me forget the charred ground or my life. Slowly, however, the dark tree fella crept behind my eyes, blocking the sunlight, its branches around my throat. Like a recovering heroin addict, I tried to erase it from my mind. “Not here.” Arrests, commissions, dark words, hopeless faces, lying eyes that was death, this is life. There were birds sounds I didn’t recognise, an old man bowed extremely low to greet me. The grave digger waved, he knew me. 

I would have to take shelter; our beach in the morning sitting on the sand, the waves meditating them away and of course they will pass my way, seagull, raven butterfly and YOU. 

Documentary photographer Ali Öz has borne witness to Turkey’s social history throughout a career spanning more than 45 years. His camera has captured many historic moments, from wars and strikes to street protests, stories of poverty, forced migration and the struggle of families searching for missing relatives.

Öz’s book “Tarlabaşı – The Lost City,” which he produced after spending nearly 10 years immersed in the neighborhood’s streets, has returned in a revised edition after its first printing in 2013. 

The book, now part of the collection of the Library of Alexandria, one of the world’s prestigious archives, stands out as an important record of a neighborhood transformed by urban redevelopment and the lives of the people who called it home.

With some 50,000 photographs documenting the social history of an era, Öz spoke to bianet about his approach to photography, Tarlabaşı’s transformation and his new projects.

How did “Tarlabaşı – The Lost City” emerge?

We published the first edition about 10 years ago. We printed 2,000 copies rather than 1,000, and they sold out very quickly. I would say it became one of the fastest-selling books in the history of photography. I even went to the publishing house and bought the remaining, aging copies in storage with my own money. I wanted to keep some for myself, to preserve them. For years, people asked me, “When will the book be reprinted?” But I didn’t know whether that would ever be possible.

Then something very important happened: the Library of Alexandria wanted to acquire the book. The publisher had no copies left, so they contacted me. At the time, the book cost 40 liras. I was embarrassed to tell them the price, but I did. They were surprised and said, “How can you quote that price for a book that is no longer available?” They ended up buying it for a price they determined themselves. The important point is this: The book entered the collection of one of the world’s major libraries, yet many libraries in Turkey don’t have a copy. That says something about Turkey’s approach to preserving its cultural memory.

'Tarlabaşı was more than just a neighborhood to me'

How did you first come to Tarlabaşı?

When I was starting out in the profession, I couldn’t find a place to live in İstanbul, so I rented a home in Tarlabaşı. I lived there for about six months between 1983 and 1985. It had a distinctive atmosphere and was a very powerful place for photography. Later, journalism, university life and the relentless pace of news work took me elsewhere, but somehow I always found my way back.

I was there again during the demolitions for Tarlabaşı Boulevard. One man had poured gasoline over himself to stop his home from being demolished. I was the only journalist who went up to him, and I persuaded him not to do it. He was later given a home elsewhere. Tarlabaşı was abandoned to its fate at the time, despite its extraordinary architectural character. As the poet Sennur Sezer put it, “It was Venice without the water.” It was an incredibly valuable place.

This book isn’t simply an album of photographs. It bears witness to a lost neighborhood, the people who lived there, and their hopes and suffering. I spent nearly 10 years walking the streets of Tarlabaşı. I was there from the first light of morning until the darkest hours of the night.

I witnessed weddings and funerals. I watched children play and felt the silence of demolished homes. I took around 50,000 photographs. My aim was to leave a small record for history. Because I knew that one day, much of these streets would no longer exist.

'The true value of photography lies in preserving memory'

Can you describe what photography means to you in a single sentence?

I never chased photographs, I chased people. Because wherever there are people, there is joy, pain, injustice and hope... For 45 years, I have always pointed my lens at people. To me, photography was about conscience before aesthetics, and bearing witness before reporting the news.

Looking back today, what makes me happiest is that the photographs I took have become part of the memory of an era. Because the true value of photography lies in its ability to bear witness to people and to its time.

How do you view the urban transformation that began in 2010?

I don’t call it gentrification, I call it “degeneration.” Because it was a process that began by displacing the people who lived there and buying their homes for very little. People began disappearing overnight. They moved to Arnavutköy, Hacıahmet... Yet Tarlabaşı was an extremely cosmopolitan neighborhood. Roma, Kurds, the legacy of the Greeks, and later Syrians... Many different groups lived side by side.

Poor people built lives for themselves there. They made rice dishes, sold stuffed mussels and corn. Women in particular worked under extremely difficult conditions. There were women who spent days preparing stuffed mussels in damp homes. I felt that all of this needed to be documented.

What did you set out to do when you began photographing Tarlabaşı?

I wanted to document it. But it wasn’t only about taking photographs. I wanted these people’s voices to be heard. Because a photograph is more than an image, there is a life behind it. There is a person’s story. I wanted to make what these people were going through visible.

I’ve long been a journalist without a regular job at a newspaper. I tried to tell these stories through social media.

Why did you choose to remain outside established journalism organizations?

It wasn’t really a choice. It was partly a result of the circumstances. There were no jobs. And I’ve always been something of a nonconformist. Even when I was employed, no one could censor me. If they didn’t assign me to a story, I would go on my own.

When there was a firedamp explosion in Zonguldak, I called my news editor and said, “I want to go.” He told me, “Don’t go, a team has already been sent.” But this was the biggest story in Turkey. So I went to Zonguldak without stopping by the newspaper and without taking any money. I worked there for days. Journalism, to me, was never about waiting behind a desk. It was about going where life was happening.

Has this always been your approach to journalism?

Yes, it has been this way since the early years of my career. When I was working at Nokta magazine, I wanted to go to the Kırkpınar oil wrestling festival. They told me, “There’s no need.” So I went on my own over the weekend, brought back the photographs, and the work won an award. Because sometimes a journalist’s job is not to do what they are told, but to recognize what needs to be done.

Later, I worked at many outlets, including Güneş, Milliyet, Aktüel, Cumhuriyet, Tempo and NTV. But I was never someone who simply carried out the assignments I was given.

Were your photographs of the Saturday Mothers also part of this approach?

Absolutely. When I was working at Tempo, I photographed the Saturday Mothers. Sometimes they didn’t want me to cover them, but I went anyway. Then, because of the power of the photographs, they had no choice but to publish them. One day, the editor-in-chief said, “I’m not going to publish these women,” but that week they ran two full pages. That is where the power of photography comes through.

On one side were images of mothers close to the government, on the other were the Saturday Mothers... When the two photographs were placed side by side, they revealed the reality of an era. Sometimes a photograph is more powerful than a sentence.

'I have been documented Turkey’s political history for 45 years'

Throughout your career, you have photographed wars, social upheavals, strikes and resistance movements. How do you see that body of work looking back?

You have to look at it this way: There are probably very few examples like it anywhere in the world. For 45 years, I have been making a documentary of the political history of this country. I was there during the Gezi protests, the TEKEL workers’ resistance, May Day rallies, strikes and street protests.

In 2003, when I was unemployed, I traveled to the region with human shields during the Iraq War. During the debate over the Mar 1 motion, people carried placards bearing my photographs. My photographs were used during marches by villagers from Bergama, in human rights campaigns and during social protests. What I was really trying to do was preserve the memory of an era.

What kept you going for so long?

People. I never chased photographs, I chased people. Because wherever there are people, there is life, joy, pain, injustice and hope. For me, photography is about conscience before aesthetics. It is about bearing witness before it becomes news.

'My way of expressing myself'

How would you describe your relationship with photography?

Photography means living to me. I was never very talkative, and I found it difficult to express myself. Even my mother would say, “Son, I wish you’d talk a little.” Photography became my lifeline. It became the medium through which I could best express myself.

I started while studying at Ankara University’s School of Political Sciences, School of Press and Broadcasting. I also held my first photography exhibition during that period. Later, I became involved in social and political life. Trade unions, grassroots organizing in villages, social struggles... They changed the way I saw the world. For me, photography was a straightforward and honest language of expression.

'Today, they are making photographs lie'

How do you view the impact of artificial intelligence on photography?

I am deeply concerned. Because photography’s fundamental power comes from its grounding in reality. But today, they are making photographs lie. Someone’s photograph can be taken and placed into a scene that never happened, leaving that person struggling to prove it is fake. That is extremely dangerous.

People are using artificial intelligence to write novels and poetry. But there is a vast difference between the virtual world and real life. The warmth of a person on the street, the expression on their face, the moment they are living through, none of that can be replicated.

'I never became alienated from my class'

How do you position yourself in relation to the people you photograph?

I never became alienated from my class. I never looked down on the people I photographed. In Tarlabaşı, I lived among them and shared their experiences. I shared in their pain and their joy. There were times when I went home, put my head on the pillow and cried.

The same was true with the Saturday Mothers. I stood with the people there. It means a great deal to me that my photographs are part of the stories of Emine Ocak and Berfo Ana. Because I didn’t want simply to photograph people. I wanted to bear witness to their lives.

'My new dream is to make a book documenting Turkey’s political history'

What are you planning to work on next?

First, I want to produce a new book of black-and-white photographs of Turkey in the 1980s. There is a very important archive that has been acquired by the SALT Research collection. It will be a body of work portraying Turkey during that period.

But my biggest dream is to put together a book called “A Political Documentary of Turkey.” We are talking about an archive spanning 45 years. Democracy, human rights, labor movements, social struggles... It is all there. I want this archive to find a permanent home. Because I no longer want to carry this burden alone. I want an institution, a municipality or an archive to take responsibility for preserving this collective memory. (EMK/NÖ/VK)

Authorities are considering the transfer of currently enrolled students to public schools, the newspaper reported. Inspectors also requested information about Armenian citizens who previously attended Armenian school.

The inspections are not expected to be limited to Armenian schools as Greek and Jewish schools are also reportedly within the scope of the audits, Agos said.

Historic İstanbul Greek school sees no new enrollments this year

26 September 2025

Armenians, Greeks and Jews are Turkey's officially recognized minority groups under the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Minority schools established under the treaty serve citizens of Turkey belonging to those communities.

A regulation issued by the National Education Ministry on Mar 20, 2012 allowed foreign nationals to attend private schools as “guest students." These students are not eligible for diplomas but receive documents listing the courses they completed when they leave school.

Armenian schools have admitted children from Armenia under this arrangement for over 14 years.

Representatives of Armenian foundations and school administrators will discuss the issue, Agos said. Armenian Patriarch of Turkey Sahak Maşalyan is also aware of the developments.

Schools of Minorities Opened along with Troubles

28 September 2015

(NÖ/VK)

The regime in Turkey

They neither hesitate nor feel embarrassed to portray the “party-affiliated presidential system of government,” which has been in place for more than eight years, as though it were a new regime in terms of its structure and operation. They act as if this regime’s methods and instruments of governance had not been in use for years and they were encountering them for the first time. The authorization provided for in the bill is, of course, a negative development for democracy. But it is not a new practice unique to this text. Is it possible to deny that for eight years the country has been governed through presidential decrees that take effect with the signature of a single person, on whatever date that person chooses, and can be repealed whenever that person wishes, while the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) has been left with less initiative on many issues than under the previous regime? Do they not know that even in areas where the TBMM retains its initiative, all that happens is that hands go up and down because of the structural characteristics of the ruling party? I don’t think so! Then why do they take this position? It is quite difficult to give a single answer...

The agreement was also approved by parliament

The “Framework Bill,” adopted by the TBMM General Assembly on Aug 10, 2026, is essentially an agreement between the parties to an armed conflict, similar to examples seen in conflict resolution processes around the world. As previously discussed in this column, steps related to “democratization” are not, and should not be sought, primarily within an agreement of this kind, which is designed to ensure that the guns fall silent/the right to life/the right not to be killed. Their absence should not be regarded as a specific, deliberate omission. Still less can such a step be expected from a government that has become dependent on two instruments for generating social consent that are also consuming the government itself. “Democratization” is not something a government with the characteristics of the current one would or could implement, nor is it a step it could take. When everyone knows that it has no instrument for securing consent left other than different forms of “violence,” which it has to intensify with each passing day, and the instrumentalization of the law, it is unrealistic to expect it to take steps toward democratization. Let us not deceive ourselves.

What created and made today possible

So who is the law/agreement currently on the agenda primarily for? It is worth stating this in all sincerity, without hesitation or apprehension. This law is for the “Peace and Democratic Society Group,” which destroyed its weapons at a ceremony on Jul 11, 2025, in the Casane Cave area of Dukan, a town in Sulaymaniyah province in the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq, and announced the reasons for doing so to the world in a written statement, as well as for those who share and support the views expressed in that statement but were unable to be there. Of course, it is also for the thousands of prisoners currently held in prisons in Turkey who embrace this text and “could put their signatures to it,” as well as the tens of thousands of political exiles forced to live abroad. To briefly recall the text: “Freedom fighters who joined the PKK at different times in order to fight against attacks aimed at denying and destroying the Kurdish existence, took up arms and struggled in different regions (...) We are voluntarily destroying our weapons before you in order to pursue our struggle for freedom, democracy and socialism through democratic politics and the law, and on the basis of the enactment of democratic integration laws.”

In the narrow sense, the law in question consists simply of an agreement based on such a demand. At this stage, although this is not sufficient, what matters should be whether the “right not to be killed” demanded by the parties to the conflict can be secured through an agreement/law as a result of the negotiations. The parties say they have reached an agreement! They say, “It has shortcomings, but it can be considered sufficient for a start.” We hope the implementation phase of the law will be completed in full and as quickly as possible without any major problems.

As stated in the text, ending “attacks aimed at denying and destroying the Kurdish existence,” regarded as an outcome achieved under present-day conditions, is the result of a long-running struggle for which a heavy price has been paid. The political and social accumulation generated by that struggle first enabled the Kurdish people to embrace and defend their national existence. It was further strengthened by the relationships it developed and the alliances it forged across Turkey and around the world. The historical accumulation and richness behind being at the negotiating table today stands as an undeniable source of strength and confidence. By its very nature, this also requires a similar degree of responsibility regarding the decisions to be made and agreed upon at the table.

For a political solution to the Kurdish issue

Besides being an agreement, this law will also serve as the first step in the legal sphere during this period toward a “political solution to the Kurdish issue.” The Kurdish question and its resolution had already been brought under the roof of the TBMM through the commission’s work. With this stage, it will also constitute a “first” in terms of the legislature’s function. However, neither the content of this law nor the current structure of the TBMM is sufficient for a political solution to the Kurdish question or for “normalization,” known as the final stage of conflict resolution processes. For this reason, a joint struggle is also needed to remove, one by one, the obstacles to the democratization of the republic and to establish a “new” life and order based on equal citizenship.

Like all left-wing, socialist and democratic parties and organizations, the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, pro-Kurdish, is in favor of peace. At the same time, unlike the others, it is a party that, despite the process’s shortcomings, by its very nature has a place and role in advancing it, and indeed must play that role. Nevertheless, despite some periods of stagnation, it has managed to remain an integral component of the social opposition in the struggle for social equality, freedoms, rights and the rule of law. It has also played important roles in the opposition’s concrete historical gains. Regardless of the stage that has been reached, even the slightest hesitation in this regard would increase both the risk of the process being derailed, as in previous years, and the risk of the DEM Party becoming isolated, shrinked and diminished. The other components of the opposition have important roles to play in this regard, just as the DEM Party does.

Joint struggle for a solution

To achieve a joint struggle, there is a need for an inclusive, constructive, persistent and always “realistic” approach within a framework that takes the existing situation into account. At every stage, there must be an ability to empathize and, without becoming confined to personal or institutional calculations, efforts must be made above all to create the conditions for always taking steps together that will also enable a political solution to the Kurdish issue, and those conditions must actually be created. Let us not forget that once equal citizenship is secured, there is the possibility that a major wall dividing the class, including through ethnic identities and other sub-identities, and standing “in the way of becoming a class for itself,” will come down. If this happens, it has the potential to create opportunities that could also pave the way for class struggle.

Those in Turkey who are wholly and/or on certain issues dissatisfied with the existing situation and do not consent to it should, without any ifs or buts, be able to decide first and foremost on unity in action, all together, side by side, with concrete demands and an objective plan and program. This unity in action must also be embraced by broad sections of society so that the demands are taken into consideration. Alternatively, the government can be defeated at the ballot box through an alliance similar to the “urban consensus,” which was implemented in the 2024 local elections following the DEM Party’s proposal to the Republican People’s Party (CHP), main opposition, and dealt the Justice and Development Party (AKP), ruling party, and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), government ally, their biggest defeat of the past decade. Yet experience shows us that even this is not enough today. Preparations must also be made for how the gains achieved will and should be defended.

Here, let us leave the final word to our pioneers of the 1970s: “There is no liberation alone, either all of us together or none of us.” (OH/VC/VK)

Kaboğlu argued that it was more of an amnesty legislation than a legal framework outlining the peace process:

"What has been enacted here is an amnesty. It is not a general amnesty, but technically speaking, it is an amnesty aimed at a specific category. So technically it is already an amnesty, but a discriminatory one. It is discriminatory in terms of the category of offenses and discriminatory in terms of time. It is an undeclared, de facto amnesty."

"I cannot describe this as a law. What we have is a political intention dressed up as legislation. I am trying to use measured language because I do not want to discredit or dismiss the will that emerged from a broad consensus."

The law provides the first legal basis for the Kurdish peace initiative launched in Oct 2024. It allows proceedings and ongoing cases involving the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to be suspended for five to 10 years, provided the group is confirmed to have laid down its arms. Killings committed as part of the PKK's activities and people sentenced to life imprisonment before 2005 are excluded from the law.

Parliament passes bill suspending sentences for PKK members

11 August 2026

'All sides have agreed on the term "terrorism"'

Kaboğlu pointed out that the law effectively establishes the PKK as a "terrorist" group:

"Is the PKK a terrorist organization or not? This law has now formally established that it is. From now on, no one will use, or be able to use, different terms. Were they guerrillas, militia members, militants? There is no need for that anymore because all sides have reached agreement on the concept and the word 'terrorism,' and they have now enshrined that in law."

Verification procedures 'problematic'

Kaboğlu criticized the requirement that the verification mechanism be tied to the National Security Council (MGK), saying the arrangement was technically problematic.

"The National Security Council is being granted a status beyond its constitutional position, with the law saying that it will make a decision. But the National Security Council does not make decisions. It makes recommendations to the president. In the past, it made recommendations to the government; today, it makes recommendations to the president. There are technical problems of this kind, serious problems."

Does the law cover the Academics for Peace?

Kaboğlu said the framework law does not cover the academics who signed a "Peace Declaration" in 2016 calling for an end to the urban conflict going on in the country's Kurdish regions at the time. Hundreds of academics stood trial on "terror propaganda" charges and lost their positions after the declaration was released.

"The issue concerning the Academics for Peace is very clear, very straightforward and very simple. A faculty member expresses support for a prepared statement, a peace petition, 10 years ago. There is not even a signature anywhere, just an expression of consent. And the consequences do not stop with that person being dismissed from the university. Their entire family life and the rest of their life are cast into darkness.

"We were invited to parliament last year, but I did not go. They spoke of a 'terror-free Turkey,' but they did not say, 'Turkey should be governed by the rule of law.' If politicians who want a country free of terrorism also want a Turkey governed by law, only then can the goal of a terror-free Turkey succeed. But they never once spoke of the law."

A call for justice and accountability for the Academics for Peace

8 January 2026

Demirtaş's imprisonment

Regarding Kurdish political leader Selahattin Demirtaş, who has been imprisoned since 2016, Kaboğlu said he would not be in prison if the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights had been implemented.

"So asking whether Demirtaş is covered by this law could cast doubt on the legitimacy of his case. In other words, putting Demirtaş in the same category could lead us astray. Your next question would then be: What about Osman Kavala? The rulings concerning Osman Kavala, Can Atalay and Tayfun Kahraman are very clear examples. There are Constitutional Court rulings, and there are also European Court of Human Rights judgments.

"No legislative or constitutional amendment was needed in any of these cases. Simply enforcing the existing laws and the constitution would have been enough. But no such political will emerged. That is why you can talk about a terror-free Turkey, but you cannot talk about a Turkey governed by the rule of law."

Bahçeli calls for release of Öcalan, Demirtaş as ‘Kurdish peace law’ heads to parliament

5 August 2026

(FY/EB/VK)

The miners, employed by Eti Gümüş silver company and Doruk Madencilik mining company, both owned by Yıldızlar SSS Holding, had been protesting in Ankara for four days. They said they would remain until all outstanding payments were made.

Those detained included Independent Mine Workers Union (Bağımsız Maden-İş) Chair Gökay Çakır and organizing specialist Başaran Aksu. Two workers who became ill during the police intervention were taken to a hospital by ambulance.

Protests began in April

The dispute dates back to April, when Doruk Madencilik miners traveled from Eskişehir to Ankara on foot over months of unpaid wages and other receivables. They ended weeks of protests after the Labor and Social Security Ministry mediated a deal between the union and the company.

The ministry had said payment of the workers’ claims had been secured under an agreed timetable.

The miners resumed protests on June 1, claiming that the company had not fulfilled its end of the deal. After four days, the union announced that all outstanding payments had been made and said the action had ended in "victory."

Police detain union leaders as miners' protest continue in Ankara

27 April 2026

Workers began protesting again on Aug 9, this time joined by employees of Eti Gümüş.

According to Bağımsız Maden-İş, only about 50 of 176 workers at Eti Gümüş in Elazığ received part of their unpaid wages. The union said severance, notice compensation and payments related to retirement remained outstanding.

Doruk Madencilik workers were also still awaiting severance and notice compensation, wages for periods of mandatory unpaid leave and, in some cases, compensation related to union activity, according to the union.

The workers then began a sit-in outside the Energy and Natural Resources Ministry.

Miners end hunger strike in Ankara after ministries step in as guarantors

29 April 2026

Negotiations with holding representatives

On the fourth day of the protest, four workers left the ministry area to meet Yıldızlar SSS Holding representatives. Union officials said the meeting produced no concrete result.

Aksu said the holding had initially denied owing the workers money before making limited payments, adding that the union had requested a meeting with ministry officials for four days without receiving a response.

"We are not leaving because we do not want to have to come here again," Aksu said. "The ministry must take the initiative."

Çakır said payments made so far covered only part of what workers were owed.

"If a worker is owed 100,000 liras, they paid 25,000 liras," he said. "The boss now says, 'We paid the money.' If you paid the money, we would leave. As a union, we will stay here until not even one lira owed to one worker remains unpaid."

Police intervened after union officials said they would not leave the ministry entrance until the outstanding claims were paid. Officers moved journalists away from the protest area and prevented them from filming the intervention.

Police then detained several miners, including Çakır and Aksu. (AEK/VK)

Under the amendment, the option of retiring through a tax reduction granted on the basis of disability was abolished. Instead, eligibility is determined through assessments of loss of working capacity conducted by the Social Security Institution (SGK).

The law provides for the continued payment of pensions granted under the tax reduction scheme before Jan 15, 2025. However, some disabled people who had already retired say their pensions were terminated following reassessments carried out after follow-up medical examinations.

Those whose retirement applications were finalized after the new rules entered into force say the eligibility requirements they believed applied to them under the previous system were changed, resulting in a loss of rights.

The Disabled Retirement Solidarity Association (EMED) says it has pursued legal action over the consequences of the amendment and has also brought the issue before international mechanisms.

Despite widespread poverty and unemployment, Turkey's disabled community neglected in 2025 budget

3 November 2024

‘We are forced to work despite serious illnesses’

EMED Chair Nazlı Pınar Tetik is among those affected by the law, along with other members of the group. Currently undergoing cancer treatment, Tetik learned by text message that her pension had been terminated.

She described the loss of rights caused by the law as “the largest seizure of social rights in the history of the republic.”

Teik said that following the change, the rejection rate by the Social Security Institution (SGK) and the High Health Council had reached 98 percent, while 75 percent of those affected had either already qualified for retirement or were in their final year before becoming eligible.

Tetik said that after domestic legal remedies reached a dead end, they brought the issue before the United Nations. She said the UN had begun reviewing the case on the grounds that acquired rights cannot be revoked retroactively. Their application to the Constitutional Court, meanwhile, has been pending for 18 months.

Tetik said the ministry and the SGK had not shared data and had not responded to requests for meetings. She noted that the existing retirement right for people insured before 2008 would in any case have expired in 2028.

She criticized the removal of retirement rights from disabled people who had only one or two years left before becoming eligible:

“If our health allowed it, we would already be working. But we are being forced to work despite our serious illnesses.”

'I lost it by two days'

Ahmet, who has type 1 diabetes, lost his retirement entitlement because of a two-day difference in the application process.

Ahmet was assessed as having a 44 percent disability in 2019 and received a permanent disability rating of 71 percent in 2024 after his condition worsened. The Ankara Tax Office also approved his tax reduction certificate. However, the document reached the SGK on Jan 17, 2025. Law No. 7538 had entered into force two days earlier, on Jan 15.

Ahmet said the SGK would not accept his application before receiving the document. Once it arrived, he was told that he could no longer retire because of the new rules. Reports from health institutions to which he was referred, as well as his appeals, did not change the outcome.

“The law came into effect on the 15th, and the document arrived on the 17th. They made me lose it by two days,” he said, adding that the delay was not his responsibility.

Ahmet was receiving treatment for an eye condition caused by Type 1 diabetes and had lost sensation in his feet and took medication regularly. Despite his permanent disability report, his loss of working capacity was not considered sufficient to qualify for retirement.

He had been forced to continue working because he could not retire. “I’m trying to keep my life going by working. Because if I don’t work today, I go hungry tomorrow," said Ahmet.

Pensioner poverty in Turkey: 9 out of 10 say need to work to stay afloat

12 May 2026

Cancer patient’s pension terminated after retirement

Feridun Sağlam, another person affected by the change, is a cancer patient who had already retired before his pension was later terminated.

Diagnosed with cancer in 2024, Sağlam said he underwent surgery and chemotherapy and retired under the tax reduction scheme with an 84 percent disability rating. In 2025, the SGK referred him for a follow-up medical examination. His disability rating was reduced to 68 percent and his pension was terminated.

Sağlam said part of his lung had been removed because of cancer, that he developed osteoporosis and microfractures following chemotherapy, underwent knee surgery and uses an oxygen machine at night. Despite this, he said he was told that he had “no loss of working capacity.”

Sağlam said that after his pension was cut off, his unemployment benefits also ended. With no income, he said he was struggling to pay his General Health Insurance (GSS) premiums and had applied for a green card so he could continue accessing health care.

“We can’t work. And when we can’t work, there’s no money... We don’t have time to wait,” Sağlam said, adding that although he was unable to work, he had no income to support himself.

Retirement application rejected despite workplace accident

Another person affected, Cuma, who did not want his surname published, said he had waited for years to retire after a workplace accident, only to have his application rejected under the new rules.

Cuma said he lost his right hand in a workplace accident on Dec 12, 2014, while working as an operator of paving stone and interlocking brick machinery at a factory in Antep. Despite surgeries and treatment, he was left unable to use the hand. A university hospital assessed his loss of working capacity at 72 percent. The Social Insurance Institution (SSK), however, recognized a rate of 65 percent and granted him a permanent incapacity benefit.

Cuma said that because he first became insured in 2005, he was told he needed to complete 20 years of insurance coverage and the required number of premium days. After meeting those conditions, he went to the SGK in May 2025 to apply for retirement.

By then, however, the new rules introduced on Jan 15, 2025, were in effect. Cuma said SGK officials told him that retirement based on a tax reduction certificate had been abolished and that his existing disability rating did not meet the new requirements.

Cuma said a university hospital to which he was referred again increased his incapacity rating to 75 percent. Despite this, the SGK upheld its rejection, and his appeal to the High Health Council was also denied.

Cuma said he had struggled to find work since losing his right hand. He could no longer work in factories and had also been unable to find a job through the Turkish Employment Agency (İŞKUR). He said he had waited 10 years to retire and described his situation as follows:

“We are not asking our state for a favor. We are asking for the vested right that we earned.”

(SG/HA/VK)

The investigation followed a targeted campaign against Matiz in pro-government media and on social media after the video was released.

Neither the song nor the video contains explicit queer lyrics or imagery. The video shows a man preparing to marry a woman exchanging contemplative looks with another man at the wedding venue. Social media comments suggested that the clip depicted a conflict involving a gay man living as straight.

Famous singer Seda Sayan also appears in the music video that gained nearly one million views in two days.

Matiz is a popular and acclaimed singer in Turkey, with more than 2 billion total streams on Spotify and a monthly audience of over 20 million on YouTube.

As an openly queer singer, they previously faced an obscenity case over their song “Perperişan,” released in September. They were acquitted in that case.

The Family and Social Services Ministry had also sought an access ban on “Perperişan,” arguing that it was contrary to “public order and public health.” A court subsequently odered an access ban on the song.

The clip of Ha Leylim:

'Obscenity' investigations

In recent years, authorities have increasingly used obscenity laws against adult-content creators, while the scope of such investigations has also extended beyond explicit material. Public figures such as musicians and social media personalities faced obscenity charges over their statements and the content they produced.

Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code prohibits the publication of obscene content through the media. The law covers "general obscenity" and "obscenity involving children" but does not provide a specific definition of obscene material.

Publishing or facilitating the publication of obscene images, writing or speech is punishable by six months to three years in prison and a judicial fine of up to 5,000 days.

Influencer Fatma Soydaş jailed over 'obscene content'

24 July 2026

Turkey expands ‘obscenity’ investigations to musicians as 'girl band' given travel ban

10 September 2025

Photographer Bennu Gerede detained on 'obscenity' charges after showing vibrator during interview

4 August 2026

(HA/VK)

The office said the investigation targeted the alleged "Alihan Kuriş criminal organization" and did not mention the Süleymancılar group.

Simultaneous raids in the morning targeted 123 addresses in 17 provinces, İstanbul, Ankara and Antalya. Prosecutors issued detention warrants for 49 suspects and three were found to be abroad.

Authorities also seized assets belonging to the suspects and appointed trustees to over 30 companies linked to their members.

The group is facing allegations of “establishing and leading a criminal organization,” “membership in a criminal organization,” “laundering assets derived from crime,” “fraud to the detriment of public institutions and organizations” and violations of the Tax Procedure Law.

Similar religious orders and communities in Turkey have a presence in both civil society and the economy, operating through foundations and companies.

Suspicious money transfers

The prosecutor’s office said the investigation was focused on the financial activities of companies linked to the suspects.

According to a report by Turkey’s Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK) included in the case file, some of the companies examined saw sharp increases in financial transactions and the volume of goods bought and sold after 2020.

MASAK assessments found that some companies received large cash inflows whose sources required explanation and that substantial transfers were made between companies and their shareholders.

Investigators are also examining discrepancies between some companies’ commercial records and banking transactions, as well as foreign currency transfers received from companies abroad. 

Some 100 billion liras, or around 23 million dollars, were transferred abroad through various methods using individuals and companies believed to be linked to the group, according to MASAK.

The investigation includes allegations that some transactions may have involved fraudulent invoicing. (NÖ/VK)

The limited presence of women deputies at the podium during a parliamentary debate centered on peace and an end to conflict has raised another question: How much of a role will women have in decision-making and oversight mechanisms?

Parliament on Aug 10 approved the Bill on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration with 467 votes in favor, 87 against and seven abstentions. Thirty-one lawmakers did not participate in the vote.

The law covers offenses related to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), stipulating the deferral of sentences and ongoing cases for up to 10 years, which could effectively amount to a pardon.

It excludes the "intentional killings" committed as part of PKK activities, as well as offenses carrying an aggravated life sentence which were committed before Jun 1, 2005. This means the group's leader, Abdullah Öcalan, as well as many others, are not within the scope of the law.

Parliament passes bill suspending sentences for PKK members

11 August 2026

bianet spoke with women politicians who voted in the General Assembly but did not address parliament that day, asking what roadmap should follow the law, what safeguards should govern its implementation and what role women should play in the process.

Elif Esen, deputy chair of the Democracy and Progress (DEVA) Party, Sevda Karaca, deputy chair of the Labour Party (EMEP), and Meral Danış-Beştaş from the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, shared a common message: Passage of the law is not the end of the process. The real test will come during implementation, and decision-making mechanisms without women will remain incomplete.

'Transparency and equal representation'

DEVA lawmaker Elif Esen said the law's passage marked the beginning of a new phase. She said disarmament should now proceed through a credible, independent and verifiable process:

"The adoption of the law is by no means an end, quite the opposite, it is the beginning of a new phase. Disarmament and the end of the organization's de facto existence must be carried out, monitored and verified in a credible, independent and auditable manner; every decision within the scope of the law must transparently be based on clear criteria, individual assessment and judicial review. Peace is strengthened by law, fraternity by equal citizenship, and national unity by trust."

Esen said women should not be confined to a symbolic role as the "conscience" or "softening voice" of the process:

"Women politicians cannot be assigned only a symbolic role as the conscience or softening voice of the process. Women must be part of the process as equal decision-makers in decision-making, implementation and oversight mechanisms. Because women's representation is not merely a gender issue, it is a force that brings the current problems and needs of women, who make up half of society, into mechanisms for solutions. Without women's perspective, experience and decision-making power, the peace table remains incomplete."

'All mothers’ tears are the same color': Peace Mothers reflect on PKK weapon-burning ceremony

16 July 2025

'A democratic solution goes beyond disarmament'

EMEP deputy Sevda Karaca said the political meaning attributed to the law should be distinguished from the specific area it regulates:

"The laying down of arms and the democratic resolution of the Kurdish issue are not the same political issue. The first is an important development that can open the way for the second, but it cannot replace the second."

She said parliament should not withdraw from the process after passing the law, but should establish a mechanism capable of continuously monitoring implementation:

"More consultation, greater openness and stronger common ground are needed to develop a shared position together. We must strengthen the channels through which we can jointly build a common position reflecting the democratic demands of the Kurdish people, workers' demands for peace and equality, and the forces struggling for the democratization of Turkey.

"The responsibility for this of course lies primarily with the government. But the government's lack of transparency cannot be a reason for us to reduce openness and solidarity among ourselves. On the contrary, in such a period, we should make greater efforts to inform one another, debate, criticize and strengthen the grounds for common struggle."

Study: Youth believe in peace process but do not feel included

23 June 2026

Karaca said women's role in the process could not be reduced to their representation at negotiating tables, adding that women had experienced the consequences of conflict directly while also carrying the social memory of the struggle for peace and democracy:

"Women experienced the consequences of war and conflict in the most concrete areas of life. Displacement, poverty, loss, impunity, violence and political pressure directly affected women's lives. At the same time, despite all these conditions, women became one of the most important social forces ensuring the continuity of the struggle for peace and democracy."

'Women must be part of decision-making mechanisms'

DEM Party's Danış-Beştaş said the law's passage by a wide majority reflected the need and desire for peace among the peoples of Turkey. She added that the next stage required a clear, transparent roadmap tied to a timetable:

"An extremely important threshold has been crossed, and a definition for Kurds has now been established on a legal basis. In order to give due recognition to this tremendous effort and prevent the law from becoming an instrument of arbitrariness in the hands of those implementing it, a clear, transparent roadmap tied to a timetable is needed in the next stage."

A stop on the road to peace: The Framework Law

11 August 2026

Beştaş said peace could not be addressed solely as a security issue. She called for stronger democratic politics, freedom of expression and association and the rule of law, as well as the removal of barriers to equal citizenship.

"It has become clear that the Kurdish issue can be resolved not through instruments of tutelage or repression, but through social consensus, negotiation and a legal framework that guarantees collective rights. We must see that entirely different tomorrows await us if this legal framework is established and implemented."

Beştaş said women should participate in every stage of the process not merely as groups affected by conflict, but as political actors who develop policy, make decisions and negotiate:

"We must see women not only through their victimization, but as actors who produce politics, make decisions and negotiate. A peace process in which women do not participate equally and effectively in decision-making mechanisms remains incomplete. Women's organizations, women politicians and different sections of society must be included at every stage of the process." (NÖ/VK)