Former PKK Guerrilla: 1999 Should Not Repeat Again
Ayşe Karabaş, a former PKK guerrilla who withdrew in 1999, underlined that the ongoing withdrawal process of PKK guerrillas should be under the umbrella of legal assurance.
Peace Assembly of Turkey organized a panel yesterday in Istanbul on how to assure a long-lasting peace between PKK and Turkish government.
Hakan Tahmaz, the assembly spokesperson, said whoever is for peace should support the ongoing process without having any "but"s at a period where PKK guerrillas' withdrawal is at stake.
"In order to assure a long-lasting peace, Turkey's Anti-Terror Act should be amended, village guard system - a war time practice - should be cancelled and a truth commission should be formed," Tahmaz said.
Former guerrilla speaks up
One of the panel speakers was Ayşe Karabaş, a former PKK guerrilla who withdrew after an appeal from Abdullah Öcalan, PKK leader, in 1999. She was active duty guerrilla for two years at the age of 16. She was released after six years of prison term.
"In 1999, PKK lost many guerrillas due to clashes. This time, the process should happen under the umbrella of legal assurance," Karabaş said.
She described her withdrawal experience in 1999 as follows:
"During our withdrawal, we had to walk for two days. The Turkish Ar
my already knew our trail since there was another withdrawal group before us. There were serious operations and ambushes at us. We couldn't go anywhere whichever way we took. We had to clash with them for 3 hours because they attacked us. 14 of my friends fell as martyrs. I was left all by myself."
"I climbed a tree and waited there until next morning. Next morning, I found the corpses of my friend. They were all stripped naked. Then brigade commanders and village guards arrived. I wasn't by myself. As soon as I climbed down the tree, I was battered by the commander who said 'Either you speak up or I will leave you to the guards and they will rape you'. I had nothing to say, I was so weak. This is why I am worried about the withdrawal process now."
Aktar: Not only with pledges by Erdoğan and Öcalan
Cengiz Aktar, an academician and author, said a long-lasting peace can only be restored under a judicial umbrella and not pledges by Erdoğan and Öcalan.
"How will PKK guerrillas return home after an amnesty? We need a commission for that. We observe that some NGOs are working on a discourse but the government has yet to do anything about it. We need judicial, constitutional reforms. This wont happen without including decentralization in the constitution. Demilitarization, military discharges and reintegration of PKK guerrillas should be assured. We need legal assurance for that," he said.
Tarhanlı: From a punitive approach to a restorative one
Academician Turgut Tarhanlı, on the other hand, underlined that a long-lasting peace required more than just laying down of arms but a different, detailed and long process which compelled assuring measures.
"These measure are very fragile. We need consistency and persistence from both parties. We observe that one of parties doesn't fully trust the justice system in Turkey. Their needs should be addressed immediately. The ongoing constitution drafting process is held as it is totally separate from the ongoing peace process. This may become a major obstacle in the future. We need to shift from a punitive approach to a restorative one. This is the only way for Turkey to re-open its communication channels that have long been clogged." (NV/BM)
Galatasaray Üniversitesi Gazetecilik mezunu. İstanbul Üniversitesi'nde Engellilik Araştırmaları Yüksek Lisansı yaptı. 2011-2017 yılları arasında bianet'te muhabir/editör olarak çalıştı. Greenpeace Akdeniz’de İletişim Sorumlusu olarak 4 yıl...
Galatasaray Üniversitesi Gazetecilik mezunu. İstanbul Üniversitesi'nde Engellilik Araştırmaları Yüksek Lisansı yaptı. 2011-2017 yılları arasında bianet'te muhabir/editör olarak çalıştı. Greenpeace Akdeniz’de İletişim Sorumlusu olarak 4 yıl görev aldı. Şu anda Europe Beyond Coal (Türkiye ve Batı Balkanlar) İletişim Danışmanı.
An İstanbul court has ordered the arrest of 10 individuals detained in an ongoing terrorism investigation targeting district municipalities governed by the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) in İstanbul.
Following their detention on Feb 11, the suspects, comprising deputy district mayors and municipal councilors, were referred to İstanbul Courthouse, where a court ruled for their arrest.
The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleges that those arrested were involved with the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), an umbrella organization of leftist and pro-Kurdish groups. Prosecutors claim that they participated in the "urban consensus" strategy—an electoral cooperation between the CHP and the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party in last year’s local elections—at the direction of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
A written statement from the prosecutor’s office describes the "urban consensus" as "a structure beyond the DEM Party" and claims that the HDK and the Democratic Regions Party (DBP) are "key organizations managing grassroots mobilization" for the PKK.
The DEM Party introduced the "Urban Consensus" approach ahead of the 2024 local elections. Under the strategy, the DEM did not field candidates in certain İstanbul districts, while some of its members were elected as municipal councilors through CHP lists. In Esenyurt, for example, CHP member Ahmet Özer ran under the "Urban Consensus" and was elected mayor. However, he was arrested in October in a terrorism investigation and removed from office.
Among those arrested yesterday are Üsküdar Municipal Council member Bülent Kaygun, Fatih Municipal Council member Güzin Alparslan, Ataşehir Deputy Mayor Livan Gür, Kartal Deputy Mayor Cemalettin Yüksel, Sancaktepe Municipal Council member Elif Gül, Şişli Municipal Council member Sinan Gökçe, Tuzla Municipal Council member Hasan Özdemir, Beyoğlu Municipal Council member Turabi Şen, Adalar Municipal Council member Nesimi Aday, and an individual identified as İ.P., who is reportedly linked to Beyoğlu Municipality.
What is the HDK?
The Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK) was founded in 2011 as a coalition of labor unions, leftist movements, minority groups, and various rights-based organizations, including women’s and LGBTI+ groups. The HDK describes itself as a platform for democratic opposition and social movements, advocating for broad-based grassroots participation in politics.
The latest arrests come amid a broader crackdown on opposition-run municipalities in İstanbul. In recent months, multiple CHP mayors and officials have been detained, while investigations have been launched into İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu on separate charges. (VK)
Hatay after earthquakes: Changing priorities and problems
As Hatay continues its reconstruction process after the devastating losses of the February 6 earthquakes, housing, education, healthcare, and economic struggles persist alongside new emerging issues.
Saray Street in Antakya town center. (Vecih Cuzdan/bianet)
In Hatay, the province that suffered the most devastation and lost over 24,000 lives in the February 6 and 20 earthquakes, ongoing problems continue to shift priorities.
In the immediate aftermath of the disaster, urgent needs such as tents, food, and drinking water took precedence. As time passed, housing became the primary concern. Tents were replaced by container shelters, and 228,000 people still live in them. However, fundamental issues like healthcare, education, and access to clean water persist. To address the housing crisis, the government has implemented TOKİ housing projects, designated reserve areas, and on-site reconstruction models.
Housing projects and reserve area challenges
Infrastructure and clean water shortages are prominent issues in areas where TOKİ housing projects are being built. Additionally, because these projects are far from city centers, many earthquake survivors are reluctant to move into TOKİ residences unless absolutely necessary.
Those opting for the on-site reconstruction model face a different set of challenges. Due to the high cost of construction in Hatay, the financial support provided by the government—750,000 liras in grants, 750,000 liras in loans, and 40,000 liras for architectural project expenses, totaling 1,540,000 TL—is insufficient to rebuild homes. As a result, homeowners must take on an additional 790,000 liras in debt, along with extra costs ranging from 300,000 liras to 1.5 million liras.
Taking advantage of this situation, some contractors are drafting legal agreements that reflect lower costs on paper, potentially misleading homeowners. Many fail to thoroughly review contract details, which is expected to lead to increasing disputes and lawsuits in the future. If the government or relevant institutions do not intervene, contractor fraud—seen in previous construction projects—may become widespread in the earthquake zone, further exacerbating the hardships of survivors.
Defne Armutlu Neighborhood construction site, Feb 5, 2025. (bianet)
The Ministry of Environment, Urbanization, and Climate Change’s Urban Transformation Directorate has announced that those who fail to obtain construction permits by June 30 will no longer be eligible for grants and loans. This puts pressure on earthquake survivors to quickly sign contracts with contractors, increasing the likelihood of problematic agreements.
Meanwhile, Hatay Metropolitan Municipality’s approved 1/1000 zoning plans are still in the public objection phase, which, if contested, could extend the process into April. Since obtaining construction permits takes two to three months, the June 30 deadline appears unrealistic. Forcing earthquake survivors into such a tight timeline risks depriving them of their housing rights or pushing them into legally questionable, high-cost agreements with contractors.
Education challenges
In districts like Antakya, Defne, Samandağ, and Kırıkhan, some school buildings are still being used by other public institutions. As a result, students are forced to study under worse conditions than before the earthquake. They are expected to be at a disadvantage in upcoming exams, likely performing worse than their peers.
According to Eğitim-Sen’s report, "The State of Students and Education Workers in the Earthquake Zone on the Second Anniversary of the February 6 Earthquakes," school enrollment rates in Hatay have dropped significantly, with the number of students decreasing by 65,248. Ministry of National Education (MEB) data also shows that 6,343 teachers in the region are still living in container shelters.
Frequent power and water outages negatively affect the learning environment. Due to the shift-based education system, students must leave for school in the early hours of the morning while it is still dark and return home late in the evening. Moreover, the cancellation of free school meals for preschoolers—even in the earthquake zone—has worsened the problem of malnutrition among children.
The report underscores the urgent need for the Ministry of National Education to implement policies that reduce educational inequality and swiftly address infrastructure issues.
Cemalettin Tınaztepe Middle School amid rubble in Antakya, Feb 3, 2025. (bianet)
Health issues
Health problems in the earthquake zone remain unresolved. Unregulated demolitions and reconstruction efforts have worsened air pollution, increasing the risk of respiratory diseases. Reports indicate a rise in infant and child mortality, while mental health issues in the region have reached a critical level.
According to the "February 2023 Earthquakes: 2nd Year Report" by the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) and the Health and Social Service Workers’ Union (SES), the uncertainty surrounding the future and life in container settlements have severely impacted the community’s mental well-being. The report highlights widespread psychological distress due to uncertainty, hopelessness, and insecurity about the future. It also points out that critical Community Mental Health Centers—essential for monitoring chronic psychiatric illnesses—are still absent in Hatay’s central districts, Defne and Antakya.
A commemoration event in İskenderun, 2025. (AA)
Small businesses and economic hardships
Small business owners in the earthquake-affected areas are facing severe challenges. The temporary prefabricated markets set up for shopkeepers are expected to be relocated to reserve areas or other locations in the future, forcing business owners to keep changing addresses. This instability risks driving away their customer base and further reducing their income. Many shopkeepers have already left for other cities, while those who remain are becoming increasingly financially vulnerable.
A major uncertainty for local businesses is whether the Ministry of Treasury and Finance will extend the "force majeure" status, initially declared in December 2022 for businesses with an annual revenue of up to 2.5 million TL. Large corporations are less affected by this issue, but if the "force majeure" designation is lifted, small businesses will bear the brunt, leading to significant financial strain and broader socio-psychological consequences.
Antakya town center. (bianet)
Traffic and other urban problems
Following the February 6 earthquakes, certain districts in Hatay experienced a major influx of new residents. Population growth in Erzin, Dörtyol, Payas, Belen, and Arsuz, particularly in İskenderun, has led to new urban challenges. In İskenderun, the daytime population has nearly doubled, making traffic one of the most pressing issues.
Beyond basic needs, the overall emotional state of the population has also been severely impacted. Observers note that people walking in the streets appear visibly unhappy, with expressions of distress. This widespread sense of unhappiness has begun affecting personal relationships and the community’s overall mental health. (AB/VC/VK)