The agreement signed between Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria's interim president, and Mazloum Abdi, leader of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), is seen as a crucial turning point in the country.
The deal aims to ensure the participation of communities represented by the SDF in the political process and all state institutions, as well as the integration of the Kurdish-led autonomous region in eastern Syria into the Syrian state.
In an interview with bianet, Salih Muslim, a spokesperson for the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the dominant party within the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), discussed the Mar 10 agreement and the future of the autonomous administration.
'A historic deal'
An agreement has been signed between Ahmed al-Sharaa and Mazloum Abdi. What does this agreement mean to you? How will it be implemented in practice?
Yes, an agreement has been signed, consisting of eight articles. Overall, it is a very good agreement. It has opened the door to rebuilding a democratic structure in the new Syria.
In this sense, it is a historic agreement for us. If the articles are truly implemented, a new Syria will take shape, and this will have an impact both internally and externally. Regarding the implementation process, as stated in the final article, committees will be formed. Committees will be established for each district, as well as for economic and military affairs.
Additionally, there will be committees that will discuss the integration of the SDF and determine the governance model. New committees will be created based on different needs, and this process will be completed within a year to reach a final outcome.
Later, all parties will sign the agreement in its entirety. This process will involve consultations, discussions, and negotiations. In other words, this is how the new phase is planned to be implemented.
'There is no decision on federalism or autonomy for now'
There is some confusion among the public in Turkey regarding this agreement. What does it say about the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and its status?
Confusion is natural because the agreement is broad in scope. As for governance, there is currently no direct decision on federalism or autonomy. This will be shaped through negotiations. A governance model will be determined based on both the drafting of a constitution and the discussions of the governance committees.
However, one thing is certain: reaching consensus on all issues. We aim to ensure this in governance and administration as well.
What we primarily seek to implement is radical democracy. Our main goal is to strengthen local administrations within a decentralized system. We oppose a centralized and monolithic approach not only in governance but in all areas. The name of this governance model is not important; in English, it is referred to as "reflexive" governance, and in Turkish, it is sometimes called "loose federalism." However, the form of governance will be clarified through agreements and negotiations.
'We cannot directly link the agreement to Öcalan’s call'
On Feb 27, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan’s "Call for Peace and a Democratic Society" was publicized. What kind of impact has this call had in Syria, Turkey, and the Middle East? Two weeks after this call, the SDF and the new Damascus administration sat down for negotiations. Should these two processes be seen as independent or interconnected? Additionally, how might this agreement affect relations between Turkey and the SDF?
It would not be realistic to link this agreement to other processes. These kinds of negotiations began with the fall of the old regime in Syria. In the past, we had also made efforts to resolve issues with the former Syrian administration, but those attempts were not accepted at the time. Now, the new Syrian administration has agreed to enter a negotiation process. Therefore, directly associating this agreement with Mr. Öcalan’s call would not be accurate.
However, one fact remains: Mr. Öcalan’s call will impact the entire region because it is directly related to the Kurdish issue. We are also aware of Turkey’s stance; it has repeatedly attempted to justify its attacks on the region by making accusations linking us to the PKK. These claims are not true.
I believe that any positive developments in Turkey will also affect us. At the very least, we can say that it may reduce Turkey’s aggression.
Syrian Kurdish leaders respond to Öcalan's call
'It’s not right to blame everyone for the events on the coast'
The massacres in Latakia and Tartus, the violence against Alawites, and reports of killings have been dominating the agenda. One article in the agreement states: "Support for the Syrian state's struggle against the remnants of the Assad regime and all elements that threaten the country’s security and unity." What does this mean? What will happen to the communities facing discrimination and violence?
This situation is truly heartbreaking. The clashes targeting Alawites in Syria’s western coastal cities have deeply affected us. This issue was also part of the discussions, and for this reason, a ceasefire was declared across all of Syria.
The phrase “remnants of Assad” might seem like a minor detail, but the massacres that have taken place are on a much larger scale. As Syrians, whether as a governing body or a collective entity, we do not accept what the Baath regime has done.
However, it is also not right to blame everyone for these events. Within the framework of the agreement, we will take measures not only in our own regions but also in other areas against the remnants of the Baath regime. This article was included to eliminate or at least change the lingering effects of the policies implemented by the Assad regime.
'We will not give up our gains'
In North and East Syria, there is a women-centered, pluralistic, and democratic structure. How will this integrate with the Damascus administration, where HTS has a strong presence?
What we have built is now an achievement for women, and this struggle will continue. We will not give up what we have gained. The co-chair system, women’s institutions, women’s organizing efforts, the education system—these are things that will not change for us.
Perhaps, over time, the struggle of women in North and East Syria will also have an impact on the other side. But we will never surrender these gains. On the contrary, we will try to change the other side—the new Damascus administration. How successful we will be, I do not know. That will be determined by the struggle, and that struggle will continue. (ED/VC/VK)