The investigation follows a backlash over a joke he told about Kurdish women during a Jun 5 opening ceremony. A video widely circulated on social media showed the 95-year-old saying, "Doctor told a Kurdish woman to undress and she responded, 'You undress first, doctor'."

Those surrounding Koç were seen laughing at the joke, including Binali Yıldırım, a senior figure in the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the last prime minister of Turkey.

🔴 Rahmi Koç’un Kürt kadınlarıyla ilgili sözleri tepki çekti.

🔻İş insanı Rahmi Koç’un İzmir’de bir hastane açılışında ‘Kürt kadınlarına’ ilişkin sarf ettiği sözlere tepki yağdı

👉 Rahmi Koç tepkiler üzerine özür mesajı yayınladı. pic.twitter.com/p0LAeAxk5Z

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 6, 2026

Protests

The footage sparked a backlash on social media, with the hashtag "Rahmi Koç apologize" trending online.

Tuncer Bakırhan, co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, also called on Koç to issue an apology.

"I condemn Rahmi Koç’s racist discourse that humiliates Kurdish women," Bakırhan said. "This language is unacceptable. Women's bodies, identities, and dignity are not the subject of jokes. No status, no privilege can humiliate Kurdish women. We do not accept this approach and expect an explicit apology."

As a protest, the slogan "Jin, jiyan, azadi," which means "Woman, life, freedom" in Kurdish, was projected under the Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge near a Koç family mansion on the İstanbul Strait.

The next day, the İzmir Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an ex-officio investigation for "degrading a segment of the public" due to "expressions deemed to target women and citizens of a specific ethnic identity."

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek also commented on the incident on social media, saying, "The scales of justice do not weigh according to anyone's wealth, title, or status; the judiciary always protects human dignity and the law.

Expressions that damage the dignity of women, hurt their pride, and are incompatible with our social sensitivities are never acceptable, no matter who says them."

Minutes after the minister's statement, Koç Holding published an apology signed by Rahmi Koç on its social media account.

"I sincerely apologize for my words, which carried no intention of targeting any identity," the message read. "I would like to sincerely share my regrets. Respectfully."

Armed attacks on Koç businesses

Following the incident, two armed attacks targets companies belonging to Koç Holding. The first attack occurred on Jun 6, when two masked individuals opened fire on the head quarters of the Otokoç automotive company in Maltepe, İstanbul.

Two masked individuals arrived at the building on Saygı Street in the Aydınevler neighborhood in the morning hours. Two bullets hit the building, and the two attackers were apprehended a day later.

An armed criminal group with a Kurdish leader, known as the Ertekinler gang, claimed responsibility for the attack.

Today, bullets were fired at the shutters of a Yapı Kredi Bank branch in Kurdish-populated Diyarbakır city. Bank employees noticed bullet holes on the windows and notified the police, who are now reviewing security camera footage. (VK)

The incident occurred around 8.00 am local time (GMT+3) when a private car crashed into a fire panel belonging to the fire department.

The collision caused a faucet to burst, releasing water from the firefighting system directly into the tunnel. Authorities closed the Eurasia Tunnel to vehicle traffic following the accident.

A driver recorded the moments when water was flowing into the tunnel:

Yangın panosuna çarpan araç nedeniyle trafiğe kapatılan Avrasya Tünelinde çalışma sürüyor pic.twitter.com/tdGju1sfNO

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 8, 2026

The İstanbul Governor's Office issued a statement regarding the incident, confirming that cleanup and repair operations are underway.

"The water flowing into the tunnel has nothing to do with seawater, and work is continuing to resolve the problem," the governor's office stated.

Drivers intending to use the Eurasia Tunnel are currently being redirected to alternative routes.

Trans Pride Marches, as one of the most intense areas of confrontation along this line of struggle, are reconfigured each year in the streets and in daily life through new boundaries, prohibitions, and forms of resistance.

In recent years, increasing police interference, detentions and arrests, digital surveillance measures, and spatial restrictions have directly impacted not only event practices but also the very ways people come together. Despite this, solidarity networks established in different cities, neighborhoods, and online spaces strive to continually make visibility, organization, and political production possible once again.

Amid all these experiences, the idea of “coming together” transforms into a political persistence that extends not just to a single moment of action but throughout the entire year. This persistence points both to the ever-changing nature of repression and to the creative collective production and solidarity practices developed in response.

We spoke with Ahmet Soykarcı from the 12th İstanbul Trans Pride Week Committee about the oppression they faced in previous years, what kind of march they envision for this year, and the priority demands of trans people in Turkey.

Claims of AI-assisted surveillance

What happened during last year's Trans Pride march? In general, what kinds of repression have you encountered during Trans Pride marches in recent years?

We faced serious obstructions during last year’s march. Police intervention and harassment were intense; three of our friends were detained before the march even began. In fact, we have been facing an intense policy of repression, particularly since 2021. Since the period when 373 detentions occurred, the city has effectively been under siege. To put it plainly, we believe the reason for such intervention is that the state is afraid of this visibility and solidarity. Last year, claims of AI-assisted tracking and digital surveillance methods also came to the fore. One of our friends was “identified” using this method and detained. Unfortunately, his phone was unlawfully seized during this time. As a result, we had to completely reshape all our plans at the last minute.

Even though the centers we’ve been facing this crackdown against have been surrounded, we’ve been coming together in different areas under the slogan “Istanbul is ours.” We’ve also continued to organize in neighborhoods and various locations throughout the process. During the march planned as part of Trans Pride, intense police activity began as early as the morning hours.

Another situation that occurred was the detention of people with no connection to us, who were deemed “suspicious.” Hair color, appearance, or simply being on the street was criminalized. That day, many people were detained from various parts of the city solely on the grounds that they might be “trans.” Despite the absence of a pre-determined march route, interventions were made on the streets where people were gathered, and brief detentions took place. Nevertheless, despite the state’s intervention, a group of nearly 100 Trans Pride activists managed to carry out this march. But this situation demonstrates that not only protest spaces but also daily life is under surveillance. In Kadıköy as well, despite there being no official call for a march, detentions occurred targeting individuals who had been under prior surveillance, including our friends.

Of course, as Trans Pride, we continue to organize in a horizontal and open manner despite all of this. We establish committees that grow with new participants every year. Security concerns certainly exist; however, we prefer a more open, participatory form of organization rather than overly closed structures. We also communicate with people through new accounts and networks on social media, striving to build trust through verifiable connections.

İstanbul's LGBTI+ activists hold Pride March in unexpected location to circumvent bans

1 July 2024

Persistence in the struggle

I also see that you’re sometimes criticized on social media—comments like, “Why do you insist on marching? You get detained every year anyway.” What are your thoughts on this?

In my personal opinion, these criticisms miss the point about visibility and persistence. I actually define our struggle precisely through this persistence. Insisting on the world we want to live in isn’t just about marching; it’s about continuing the struggle to defend the right to exist, visibility, and life itself. That’s why we persist.

This year, too, our demands center on the vision of a different world, the right to life, and equality—though, of course, they aren’t limited to these. Our preparation for the march and Trans Pride Week in general also involves developing a trans political agenda. We hear similar criticisms during the actions we take throughout the year; however, here we have a fundamental demand regarding trans policies. For example, we organize actions that call out those responsible for restrictions on access to hormones and healthcare services. In these and similar actions, there were also concerns that they might worsen the already fragile situation regarding hormones; but perhaps we need to insistently remind each other of this: We are not the ones creating these conditions; the state is the perpetrator of all that is happening; we are merely trying to make these issues visible.

The action our friends carried out on the subway is also part of this policy. We are fighting to make each other feel that we are together and not alone, in the face of the “isolation” policies in society. And in an environment where hate speech is on the rise, encounters in daily life can sometimes become more complex than we imagine. Yet while there are escalating hate policies on one side, there is also the reality of the older men who applauded our friend on that subway that day.

New collective formed to defend trans people's right to hormone access

5 March 2026

Intersecting movements

How do you view the opposition’s stance toward the government’s LGBTI+phobic policies? 

I’d actually like to start by asking, “What stance?” The LGBTI+ movement is often rendered invisible, or our existence is “brushed aside” through symbolic representations. Of course, we expect more open, more direct support. Every year, various parties—especially opposition parties like the CHP, TİP, and DEM Party—say they will prioritize our demands within their own ranks and carry out work toward that end. Moreover, they attend our meetings and act as if they share our concerns. Similar statements occasionally come from other parties represented in Parliament as well. However, on the streets, this translates into little more than symbolic support. Of course, we must make an exception for the few individuals who dedicate their efforts to this cause. 

When looking at the street-level aspect, more organic relationships come to the fore. The connections established with the feminist movement are one of the strongest areas in this regard. The coming together of different struggles in large gatherings like Newroz creates a common ground for engagement. There are also occasional overlaps with socialist and anarchist movements; however, it is difficult to say that LGBT+ politics always occupies a central place in these areas. Although there has been increased contact with these movements in recent years, LGBT+ issues are often pushed to the background; yet the presence of our friends organizing there is transforming these spaces as well. Despite all this, there is a stronger sense of ownership and participation, particularly among younger generations of activists. 

There is also a certain level of engagement with professional organizations. Institutions such as the Bar Associations and the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) occasionally issue statements. Joint calls, particularly regarding ill-treatment during detention and access to healthcare, frequently come to the forefront. How would you describe your stance on this?

Yes, in response to the increasing human rights violations in recent years—such as the failure to implement the Istanbul Protocol and the violation of the right to health during detention—we are calling on doctors and healthcare workers. Our goal is to ensure a more sensitive and prepared approach in emergency departments, particularly when we are detained. For us, the LGBTI+ movement is not merely a structure “supported from the outside”; it is a space for struggle that drives transformation from within professional organizations. Commissions established within bar associations and health professional organizations are also part of this transformation. The relationship between the trans movement and political struggle is multifaceted. Issues such as peace, poverty, health, migration, and economic crisis directly touch the daily lives of trans people. For this reason, the struggle is not solely identity-based but proceeds along an intersectional axis. 

The challenges faced by trans people intersect directly with the experiences of migrants, the poor, those without access to healthcare, or those facing housing crises. For this reason, our struggle is a broader demand for equality and the right to life. Even if we cannot always be physically in the same space, we can come together on a common political front across different cities and within various organizations.

İstanbul police detain trans women for ID checks amid profiling concerns

1 August 2025

'There is no basis for these bans'

As you mentioned, the Trans Pride Committee focuses not only on the day of the march but also on organizing activities throughout the year. Could you tell us about the events you plan to hold this year?

This year, we had hoped to organize trans gatherings in addition to open calls; however, we weren’t very successful in that regard. Still, we’re focusing on creating other alternatives that will allow us to come together throughout the year. The main reason for this, as I mentioned earlier, is that Pride isn’t just a single day for us. We also see it as a space for struggle and a platform where trans politics are shaped. We’ll be announcing our event calendar soon. Friends who want to participate can follow our social media accounts. 

But since the topic has come up, it might be worth discussing the spatial bans we face every year. In particular, the administrative bans imposed around Taksim and Kadıköy directly impact our events. Despite this, court rulings in the resulting lawsuits often favor freedom of expression and association. However, during this process, the actual enforcement of these bans—even if only for a short time—hinders our events. These bans can sometimes take absurd forms. For example, being prevented from gathering in a public space to drink tea. Despite all this pressure, the movement continues to come together through different methods. I’m mentioning this because there may be friends who want to participate in our events but have to give up due to the bans. Yet these bans have no basis whatsoever. 

'They wandered in the valley for ever'

30 June 2025

The methods you’ve found to come together are also extremely creative. What would you like to say about that?

The process has turned into a kind of collective production. I’m surprised by us more and more every year. Every year, new ideas, new methods, and new forms of solidarity emerge. It’s like following the marches and events, piecing together the clues. It’s very hard for me to say that these ideas emerge at the end of such a process. As for this year, I can’t go into too many details for security reasons; but the trans community manages to piece these clues together every time.

Peace, poverty, health, migration, and the economic crisis

So why are trans people creating a separate organizational space?

This essentially stems from a historical necessity. In Turkey, trans visibility is a direct target, and consequently, there is a need for a distinct political subjectivity. From the early-era marches to the present day, trans people have needed a more independent path in both visibility and organization. This invisibility is not merely a lack of representation; it is also a structural inequality that permeates many areas of life. Discrimination in areas such as housing, employment, healthcare, and the right to exist in public spaces makes this need even more apparent.

Looking at the present, there has been a significant increase in trans suicides in recent years. Some of our trans friends have taken their own lives, citing the direct pressures they faced and, in recent times, difficulties accessing hormones. Practices such as raising age limits for hormone therapy create de facto restrictions. The situation is even more severe in prisons. Transgender inmates’ access to hormone therapy is largely dependent on procedures, which makes sustaining the process difficult.

Human rights organizations, professional associations, and civil society occasionally issue statements regarding these violations; however, despite all these statements, a systematic solution mechanism has not been established. At this point, solidarity networks—one of the strongest survival mechanisms within the trans movement—come to the fore. Yet, it is not just solidarity that is needed, but also a political struggle, and we are striving to build this. Consequently, alongside all of this, we require a separate organizational framework.

Police disrupt Transgender Day of Remembrance event in İstanbul

20 November 2024

'Peace is a matter of right to life and equality for us'

Have you had many friends who have emigrated due to oppression?

Of course, there has been an increase in the number of trans people emigrating abroad in recent years; however, oppression is not the sole reason for this. The economic conditions and growing poverty of queer people, especially trans people, are also significant factors. Nevertheless, there are still many trans activists in Turkey who remain organized and engaged in the struggle. Criminal trials and detention processes have already become a routine part of the movement. While the lawsuits filed after protests often result in acquittals, they naturally create a constant mechanism of oppression. Despite this, Trans Pride and Istanbul Pride continue to foster political activism throughout the year and create spaces for visibility.

Exhibition on trans movement’s history in Turkey banned in İstanbul

12 July 2024

You mentioned earlier that issues like peace, poverty, health, migration, and the economic crisis directly impact trans people’s daily lives. In this context, I’m also curious about the perspective you’ve established regarding the current peace process. Why is peace important for trans people?

Trans people are one of the groups directly affected by the war and conflict in this region, so we position ourselves directly within these discussions. For us, peace is not merely a political process; it is also a matter of the right to life and equality. For this reason, the trans movement views the peace process as an inseparable part of its own struggle—which is precisely why we build our trans politics on intersectionality.

We also define our relationship with the Kurdish movement through this intersection. Both movements face similar forms of oppression; the state excludes us through similar mechanisms. Therefore, the struggle for peace is not just the common ground of a single identity, but of various oppressed groups. (TY/VK)

Last week’s article was already up and running when it all started all over again on Saturday. The leader who isn’t the leader was due to hold a rally in the capital. The other leader not leader was due to have a rally on the coast but realised he had no friends there so decided to stage it at the capital’s headquarters. One was massive, enthusiastic, beaming smiles and defiance; the other had an audience of people who had got lost going to a funeral and ended up there. The leader read from a pre typed script given (written for, urm, typo). In a desperate bid to wake the audience up he threw white doves in the air, like Jesus he was pure and was going to cleanse the party, this was written boldly on the building. The party had been infiltrated by every plague there ever was and he would lay his hand on them and they would all disappear into a Russian-like gulag.

01/06/26

Doesn’t time fly when you’re trying to resist watching the news? The sheer terror of what awaits me in the living room to gobble me up is enough for me to consider hiding under the duvet forever. Last night the main news channels held a not so beauty parade, his disciples covered all the screens, wined and dined, treated like celebrities. In the past, their parties’ faces would only have been seen in the urinal. 

Morning - afternoon nothing. “The parliament isn’t sitting!” I envisaged Armageddon. “It’s not my fault,” my wife answers, “I’m not the government.” And that is very true, because if she was, we would have some serious problems. Instead, the new leader tells parliament “I am the leader.” “Who says so?” “Me.” “We need more evidence; have you got a badge or something?” 

We wait with baited breath, his now not MPs are going to meet tomorrow. Tho like a rock star he may throw himself into the parliamentary group mosh pit.    

As the light falls, I decide to take cover in Netflix, HBO or Amazon. I have been saving one of the greatest moments in my life, I think it’s time to wheel out the good times. “Untold UK: Liverpool's Miracle of Istanbul.”

I glance at the late news before and see his face. I saw him on stage once; he seemed good and kind. He had a real hope in a very different future.  I have doubts he will ever come out and for his family that would be a bitter pill to swallow, especially for his tireless defiant wife.

02/06/36

It is the morning and I’m barely awake, something needs “cleansing” the man says; it is echoed everywhere. Do they know the dangers of such language? Or is that what they want and who will be first? I put it all down to a misunderstanding in my translation, laugh and put the coffee on. Silly me.   

It is 12.30pm and there is almost a party like atmosphere in the stadium, I mean parliament. Delegates have been waiting for hours. They are on the verge of bursting into song after days of despair, this is The European Cup Final.

It’s 1pm and they are singing and chanting they are in fine voice, over to you in the stadium.  

He entered the building and the audience parted like the Red Sea as he climbed to the stage. He spoke in tones and colours that warmed the audience and those back home. Blackness diluted until a clear white line showed the way. And then the symphony ended and he walked out into the light. (DM/VK)

It saves time, reduces costs, and makes life easier. All of this is true. But it’s incomplete. Because, unlike the tools that came before it, artificial intelligence is a mechanism that can learn, renew itself, and influence decision-making processes. For the first time in history, a tool does not merely transform its user; it seeks to think and make choices on their behalf.

Therefore, discussing the issue solely within the “beneficial or harmful” dichotomy is insufficient. The true nature of artificial intelligence cannot be separated from the production relations into which it is embedded. The thesis defended in this article is simple: What we call artificial intelligence today cannot be evaluated as merely a technological breakthrough. It is a new regime of capital accumulation, and this regime carries the risk of producing a compliant type of subject while redistributing knowledge, labor, and even thought.

The question of the owner, not the tool

The massive data centers training AI models, the multi-billion-dollar chip infrastructure, and the energy grids are not randomly scattered across the globe. The companies that build, train, and lease these models can be counted on one hand. This concentration is not a technical choice but a structural reality. Because data—the raw material of artificial intelligence—only generates value as scale increases; and as scale increases, only very large capital groups can remain in the game. Although we see small investments here and there, these are merely those adapting the infrastructure provided by the big tech giants to their own needs.

At this point, we need to flip the concept on its head: Artificial intelligence is not a tool, but a form of property. Everyone who uses it is, in fact, connected to the infrastructure of a specific property owner. Every query that appears to be free provides data in return. Every piece of data makes the model more valuable; every increase in value flows to where ownership is concentrated. In classical capitalism, the worker sold their labor. Today, the user—often without realizing it—donates their cognitive labor and attention.

As Yanis Varoufakis puts it, every time we go online to use algorithmic services, we have no choice but to make a Faustian bargain with their owners. We submit to a business model based on the collection of our data, the tracking of our activities, and the invisible curation of our content—all to use the personalized services provided by algorithms… We are becoming free servants who provide behavioral patterns that predict our actions, guide our preferences, influence our decisions, change our minds, and train our attention[1].

The price of convenience: cognitive debt

Capital’s historical success stems not only from its control over the means of production but also from its ability to dominate the habits of the producers themselves. If you start referring to a need by the brand’s name, that is the triumph of the investment[2]. Artificial intelligence is opening up an entirely new front right here, infiltrating not only everyday language but also the practices of daily life. As it draws from more sources, we need to think more deeply about the impact it creates on its users. It has been nearly three years since Silicon Valley began aggressively marketing large language model-based chatbots like ChatGPT as the inevitable future of everything, and the group feeling this pressure the most has been Generation Z. We are beginning to see the results of research conducted on this topic.

A recent study at the MIT Media Lab showed that students who relied on AI during their research exhibited a significant drop in brain activity measured by EEG[3]. Fifty-four undergraduate students were randomly assigned to write an essay using AI, a search engine, or on their own, and EEG scans were conducted during this time to measure the electrical activity in their brains. A decrease in brain activity was observed among those who wrote with AI, and most students who used AI could not even quote a single sentence verbatim from what they had written. In fact, for four months, AI users consistently demonstrated lower performance at neural, linguistic, and behavioral levels.

Researchers gave this phenomenon a striking name: cognitive debt[4]. The convenience gained today is accumulating as a debt that will be paid back with interest tomorrow. AI boosts performance in the short term, but in the long term, it erodes determination, perseverance, and the ability to solve problems independently. When people switch to working without assistance, they struggle. This is because the brain is deprived of the experience of “overcoming a challenge on its own.”

Two more concepts have been added to this in the literature: cognitive atrophy and cognitive surrender. Approximately two-thirds of young adults now access information not through search engines, but directly through an AI assistant. According to a recent Harvard-Gallup study[5], 74% of the young people surveyed (those born between 1997 and 2012) say they use a chatbot at least once a month. (Another study found that more than half of college students in the U.S. use these tools weekly for their studies.)

Generation Z is concerned that the use of AI will eliminate three key applications: learning by doing, critical thinking, and learning from others. AI is taking over the skill of learning by doing or replacing the process of learning from people, including peers and mentors. However, most importantly, it prevents deep or critical engagement with ideas and information.

Yet a significant portion of the summaries produced by AI assistants—between 10% and 28% according to some estimates—are flawed or biased. When you consider the trillions of queries processed annually, the scale of misinformation circulating unchecked becomes clear. More importantly, we are outsourcing not just information, but the very act of thinking. We accept AI results “as is” without criticism.

This phenomenon is not innocent from a political economy perspective. Because a subject who does not criticize, does not question, and does not filter what they read through their own lens is the most compliant audience for any form of power. Critical reason, a fundamental achievement of Enlightenment thought, has never existed spontaneously in history. It was the product of a long practice of reading, writing, debating, and making mistakes. Now, the very foundation of this practice—pausing, going back, searching for the right word, making mistakes and correcting them—is being quietly sidelined. Even research in the previous technological generation, based on the repetition of another text via cut-and-paste, served learning indirectly. Because to choose what to quote, you had to at least read and sift through what you had read. Today, even that is no longer necessary.

Instead of a mind capable of critical and philosophical thought, a narrow “instrumental mind” emerges—one that accepts the speed and functionality offered by technological tools and focuses on choosing the most practical path to achieve a goal. This enables algorithms and data analytics to steer human behavior, beliefs, and decisions. Today, this process manages individuals to remain within the boundaries set by the system, even as they believe they are acting of their own free will.

A Critique of the relationship, not the tool

“The less you understand something, the more respect you show it, and the more you bow down before it.” [6]

My intention in saying all this is not to disparage artificial intelligence. The issue is not the tool itself, but the relationship we establish with it and the power dynamics within which this relationship is embedded. What makes a technology political is not the silicon it contains, but the regimes of ownership, labor, and knowledge through which it operates.

That is why we must think on two levels at once. At the individual level, we must maintain the distinction between using artificial intelligence as an assistant and gradually delegating the act of thinking to it. The brain is also a muscle. It atrophies where it bears no weight. At the societal level, the issue is far broader. Who is training these models, with what data, under whose oversight, and in the interest of what public good? Who does it see? Who does it exclude? Leaving the future of artificial intelligence to the boardrooms of a few companies could be democracy’s quietest loss over the next decade.

In the shadow of the intelligent machine, the core question remains the same: What are we feeding ourselves? Are we raising a generation that is adept at following instructions but incapable of independent thought? Drawing on Foucault, perhaps the illusion that we are free in our choices is a revelation of just how controllable we are. Let us use artificial intelligence, but let us not cede to it the right to choose how we think—and thereby how we are governed.

The counter-movement

Today, a large portion of young people and students—who are most directly affected by artificial intelligence—feel deep anger and even resentment toward an AI-driven future they perceive as being forced upon them.

While young people’s interest in AI persists, skepticism is growing. According to the findings of a Gallup survey conducted with a sample of 1,572 people[7], even the most active users of AI are less positive about it compared to a year ago (2025). Generation Z is less convinced than in 2025 that AI enhances learning and task completion efficiency. The percentage of Gen Z respondents who agree or strongly agree that AI tools can help speed up work has dropped by 10 points compared to 2025, while consensus on AI’s ability to accelerate learning has decreased by seven points, falling to 46%.

The number of Gen Z employees who believe the risks of AI outweigh its benefits has also increased by 11 percentage points compared to last year, reaching nearly 50%. And while 56% say these tools help them finish their work faster, 8 out of 10 acknowledge that using AI in this way will make genuine learning even more difficult in the future. Gen Z workers place more trust in work completed without AI (69%) than in AI-assisted work (28%).

The younger generation in the workforce is far more aware of the losses. The sentiment that we will develop our own skills and productive labor rather than strengthen Silicon Valley is spreading. This movement is also growing among science workers and academics. For example, a group led by cognitive scientists and AI researchers from universities in the Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, and the U.S. published a strongly worded statement calling on educators and administrators to reject corporate AI products. In the statement titled “Against the Uncritical Adoption of 'AI' Technologies in Academia,” the authors write, “When it comes to the AI technology industry, we reject their frameworks, reject their addictive and fragile technologies, and demand the restoration of the sanctity of the university both as an institution and as a set of values,” they write[8]. Another example is France. One of France’s leading universities, Sciences Po, has banned students from using ChatGPT for any assignments or presentations. For my part, I have adopted a similar approach for my own course by establishing a workflow that evaluates PDF-based articles.

There are people who worry that artificial intelligence is a constantly evolving element that replaces human labor, human thought, and human-to-human interaction. Research shows us that these concerns are certainly valid. The difference between using artificial intelligence as a tool and quietly handing over the task of thinking to it is as much a matter of individual attention as it is a matter of political stance. Who is training these models? With what data? Under whose oversight? As long as these questions remain unasked, technological progress will amount to nothing more than a redistribution of power. Critical reason has never existed spontaneously in history; it was the product of a long practice of reading, writing, making mistakes, and correcting them. Maintaining that practice is the freest action still possible in the shadow of the machine. (ÖB/EMK/VK)

References

[1] Yanis Varoufakis, Technofeudalism: What Killed Capitalism, Trans. Mustafa Güdük, Diplomat Yayınları, (2026)

[2] We can say this about the influence of brands like Coca-Cola and Selpak on language.

[3] https://arxiv.org/abs/2506.08872

[4] https://www.media.mit.edu/publications/your-brain-on-chatgpt/

[5] https://hbsp.harvard.edu/inspiring-minds/how-gen-z-is-using-ai

[6] Wilhelm Reich, Listen, Little Man!, Cem Yayınevi (2022)

[7] https://news.gallup.com/poll/708224/gen-adoption-steady-skepticism-climbs.aspx

[8] Against the Uncritical Adoption of ‘AI’ Technologies in Academia

 https://www.bloodinthemachine.com/p/cognitive-scientists-and-ai-researchers, https://zenodo.org/records/17065099

https://www.reuters.com/technology/top-french-university-bans-use-chatgpt-prevent-plagiarism-2023-01-27/

Arı appeared before the Ankara 2nd Penal Court of First Instance, where he faces up to six years in prison on charges of "publicly spreading misleading information" and "violating privacy." The journalist is known for his reporting on corruption and irregularities in public institutions.

During the hearing, the prosecution requested the continuation of Arı's detention. However, the panel of judges ruled for his release following objections from defense lawyers.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

Police detained Arı on Mar 21 in Tokat, where he was visiting his family for the Eid al-Fitr holiday. He was formally arrested the following day and held at the Sincan Prison in Ankara. The arrest was based on his statements during a YouTube program and his social media posts.

Indictment

The indictment claims that Arı spread misleading information during a appearance on BirGün TV, where he spoke about the Erdoğan family's involvement in the management of 20 foundations and the transfer of public resources to these organizations.

The prosecution also cited three specific social media posts by Arı as evidence. These posts concerned the demolition of historical structures on the land of an İstanbul imam-hatip high school from which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan graduated, alleged irregularities in the appointment of judges and prosecutors, and corruption allegations at the Yunus Emre Foundation.

The prosecutor requested a sentence of one to three years for publicly spreading misleading information, and an additional one to three years for violating confidentiality. (VK)

According to information provided to bianet by Hornet, the investigation is not directed at the platform itself, but at one of the users of the platform, despite contrary media reports.

"Unfortunately, it was presented in the media as if the application committed this crime.

"According to our investigations, it appears that only an inquiry has been initiated into the Hornet application. Lawyers are currently trying to access the relevant complaint file. However, this is a situation completely independent of Hornet.

"It appears that the statements made by a user during a live broadcast on the Hornet application were complained about. Our moderation team already reviews such broadcasts and removes them from the platform. According to the information we received, the user featured in this video, who directly committed the crime, was released after giving a statement.

"Unfortunately, it was presented in the media as if the application committed this crime, but the current situation is far from this. Just as investigations are opened against individuals for a video shared on TikTok, this is the situation occurring on Hornet. A Hornet user was summoned to give a statement, not Hornet."

Hornet launches visibility program for LGBTI+s in Turkey

1 June 2026

(TY/VK)

The teachers, all Turkish citizens, went on strike due to the massive pay gap compared to their Italian colleagues.

The Tez-Koop-İş union said the school administration signed the official protocols required for the official and legal termination of the strike and forwarded them to the union and the Labor Ministry.

As the strike ended, teachers gathered in front of the school for the last time today, danced halay, and distributed lokma to mark their victory.

Reactions from teachers

"They said nothing would change here, there would be no raise," said Başak Baysallı, a Turkish language and literature teacher. "We went on strike and we won."

Fırat Aydın, another Turkish language teacher, said they experienced the excitement of returning to their classrooms after the strike.

Aydın addressed teachers working in the private sector, saying, "We are not helpless, we are powerful when we come together, we are powerful when we are organized. To be together and raise our voice, we must become union members without wasting any time."

Aydın conveyed his feelings of solidarity to the workers from various sectors who have staged strikes recently.

Doruk Madencilik miners receive all unpaid dues after resuming protest

5 June 2026

'The agreement sets a precedent'

Selahattin Karakurt, head of the İstanbul Branch No. 5 of the Tez-Koop-İş Union, said the 123-day strike was the "great and unshakable victory of the teachers."

The compromise reached concerns not only wages but also working conditions and professional status, said Karakurt.

"With the compromise reached, we have achieved an agreement that sets a precedent, ending discrimination at the school and guaranteeing our financial rights.

"Turkish teachers at this school now have working conditions at international standards and an equitable additional course system.

"As a result of these tough negotiations, our working conditions have been made fair and suitable for professional standards, and the institutional and professional status deserved by our labor has been secured. We did not just sign a wage contract, we established justice, equality, and our professional dignity at this school."

Karakurt stated that the strike also sets an important example for teachers working in the private sector and called on all teachers to join union organization.

Teachers working in private schools in Turkey generally receive significantly lower salaries compared to public schools.

(HA/VK)

The 8th Administrative Law Chamber of the İstanbul Regional Administrative Court unanimously accepted an appeal from the municipality. It stayed the execution of the Fatih District Governor’s Office's eviction order dated May 4 without requiring a bond.

The historic cistern was taken from the municipality on Jun 2 and transferred to the General Directorate of Foundations, which operates under the Culture and Tourism Ministry. Following the transfer, ticket booths were dismantled, and authorities announced the site would remain closed to visitors until the directorate installed its own ticket booths.

With the latest ruling, the case file has been sent back to the local court.

The administrative court stated that enforcing the eviction process could result in damages for the municipality that would be difficult to compensate.

Consequently, the court ruled that the conditions required under Article 27 of the Administrative Jurisdiction Procedure Law No. 2577 were jointly met, stopping the eviction process of the Basilica Cistern through judicial means. (NÖ/VK)

"Our resistance has ended in victory," the union said in a social media statement in the early hours of today. It said severance pays, unused leave pays, collective bargaining agreement differentials, and forced unpaid leave payments were paid in addition to unpaid wages.

"A mechanism to operate in the subsequent process has been defined between our union, the ministry, and the company against the possibility of detecting deficiencies or errors in calculations," the statement said. "A definitive agreement has been reached that additional rights that may arise as a result of the inspection carried out by the Labor and Social Security Ministry regarding union rights and the mandatory unpaid leave practice will also be paid by the company without objection."

Over 100 miners detained after march to Ankara over unpaid wages

21 April 2026

"We were not deceived by any words, we only believed in our will and solidarity," the union added. "We thank our people and friends of miners who walked with us. We resisted together, we won together!"

The Eskişehir-based miners started their action in April, which included a march to the capital Ankara. They ended the two-week protest on Apr 29 after three ministries stepped in to guarantee that their severance pay and wage arrears would be paid.

However, the miners traveled to Ankara once again on Jun 1, accusing the company of failing to keep its promise despite the guarantees provided by the ministries.

Police detain union leaders as miners' protest continue in Ankara

27 April 2026

The company claimed in response that "all receivables stemming from wages" had been paid, adding that other receivables would also be settled.

The union called the company statement manipulative and maintained that all receivables had not been paid. The process was completed after four days when the remaining payments were made. (VK)

The Antalya 12th Family Court had applied to the high court after a case it heard last year, requesting the annullment of the provision regarding poverty alimony in Article 175 of the Turkish Civil Code.

The objection requested the annulment of the phrase "...indefinitely..." in the first paragraph of the article, which states, "The party who will fall into poverty due to divorce may request alimony from the other party indefinitely in proportion to their financial power for their livelihood, provided that their fault is not heavier."

The Constitutional Court general assembly discussed the application today and reached a verdict. It decided that the annulment will take effect nine months after the reasoned decision is published, which will be written later. During this nine-month period, the parliament will prepare a new regulation to replace the annulled provision.

The high court had previously rejected a similar application in 2012.

Justice minister welcomes decision

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek welcomed the decision in a statement on social media, saying that the government was already working to amend provisions regarding divorces as part of an upcoming judicial reform package:

“Establishing a balanced and fair model that would both protect the rights of the parties involved in post-divorce proceedings and avoid undermining social harmony and the integrity of the family institution was one of our top priorities.

“In response to the high demand from our citizens and in line with practical applications on the ground, this issue constituted one of the core topics of the Judicial Package, to which we had already contributed with great care during its preparation.

“In this context, we consider the Constitutional Court’s decision to annul the provision on ‘perpetual alimony’ in the Turkish Civil Code to be of the utmost importance in the name of justice and fairness.

“Taking into account the legal process established by the Constitutional Court, we will submit a new legal regulation—one that does not subject either party to an unfair lifelong obligation and is in line with fairness—to the esteemed Grand National Assembly for its consideration.”

Turkey's family minister voices opposition to 'indefinite' alimony payments

28 July 2023

'Contrary to principle of equality'

Women's organizations criticized the decision in statements on social media, arguing that it is against gender equality.

The Women's Platform for Equality (EŞİK) said the decisison was unacceptable. "While women in Turkey are still struggling with unequal employment conditions, unpaid care labor, and deepening poverty, the solution is not to narrow women’s existing rights, but to eliminate inequalities."

Turkey's high inflation erodes alimony payments, leaving women in financial hardship

6 October 2024

The İstanbul Bar Association Women's Rights Center asserted that the decision violated the Constitution. "The annulment decision regarding poverty alimony is contrary to the principle of equality regulated in Article 10 of the Constitution. We are not giving up on our right to alimony."

The Women's Assembly of the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, the second-largest opposition party argued that the verdict lacked legal basis, adding that limiting the right to alimony could drag women into poverty and leave them in a cycle of violence.

'Alimony right is not indefinite under all conditions'

Legal expert Nazan Moroğlu evaluated the decision, noting that the public perception does not reflect reality as alimony was already not indefinite under all conditions.

"Alimony automatically ends if one of the spouses dies or if the alimony creditor remarries. It can also be lifted by a court decision in cases of living de facto as married, leading a dishonorable life, or financially leaving the state of poverty," Moroğlu said.

LAWYERS PASİNLİ & AKKAYA

Legal amendment ‘aims to prevent divorce’ by limiting right to alimony

9 February 2022

Arguing that the problems experienced in short-term marriages stem from practice rather than the law, Moroğlu said, "In such cases, solutions like lump-sum payments are possible."

Moroğlu also noted that alimony is not a right exclusive to women, and men can also benefit from this right.

(EMK/VK)

According to news compiled by bianet from local and national newspapers, news websites, and news agencies, men killed at least 14 women and two children in May.

Men injured at least 46 women, abused at least 13 girls and boys, and harassed 18 women in May. Men forced 106 women into sex work.

In May, the deaths of 43 women and seven children were “suspecious” cases where it could not be definitvely determined whether they were gender-based or not.

Femicide

Men killed at least 14 women in May. Last year, this number was 26 for the same month.

Men killed five women because they refused to reconcile. They also killed one woman out of jealousy. The excuses given by the men for killing eight women were not reported in the press. 

Nine women were killed by their husbands, boyfriends, or ex-husbands, and four women were killed by family members such as their sons and fathers. The identity of the man who killed one woman was not reported in the media.

Men killed 11 women inside the home and three women outside the home.

Men killed 10 women with firearms, three women with sharp objects, and one woman by beating her to death.

Child murder

In May, men killed at least two children. Last year, this number was one for the same month.

One child was killed by his father, who strangled them inside the home. The degree of acquaintance between the man and a child he killed was not reported in the media. He killed the child outside the home with a sharp object. 

Harassment

In May, men harassed at least 18 women. This figure was 16 in the same month last year.

Men harassed one woman inside her home and 17 women outside the home.

One woman was harassed by a cleaning worker, one by a relative, one by a government employee, and nine by a man staying at the same boarding house. The degree of acquaintance between the man and at least six of the women he harassed was not reported in the media.

Sexual assault/Rape

In May, two men raped two women. One woman was raped by a relative, and the other by her ex-boyfriend.

Child abuse

Men abused at least 14 girls and boys in May. Last year, this number was 50 for the same month.

Men abused children outside the home, in places such as schools and parks.

Four children were abused by their father or stepfather, and three by a grocery store clerk. One child was abused by his mother’s boyfriend. The identities of the 42 perpetrators who abused at least six children were not reported in the media.

Violence/Injury

Men injured at least 46 women in May. Last year, the number was 68 for the same month. Police officers were among the perpetrators.

At least nine women were taken to the hospital with injuries.

At least 28 women were injured by their husbands or boyfriends, six by their sons-in-law or sons, one by her boss, one by a coworker, and one by a taxi driver. The identities of the men who injured at least nine women were not reported in the media.

Men injured at least six women because they “did not want to reconcile or wanted to break up.” The excuses given by men for injuring 40 women were not reported in the media.

Men injured 22 women inside the home and 24 women outside the home.

Men injured 30 women by beating them, 12 women with firearms, and four women with sharp objects.

Forced sex work

In May, men forced at least 106 women into sex work. Last year, this number was 277 for the same month. Children were also among those forced into sex work.

(EMK/VK)

The second hearing of the case against Berk was held today at the Tunceli 1st Heavy Penal Court.

Berk, a reporter for the Pir News Agency (PİRHA) which focuses on issues related to Turkey's Alevi minority, was brought to the courtroom from the prison where he was being held following his detention during a police raid on his home on Dec 19, 2025.

His lawyers, Kenan Çetin and Doğa İncesu, attended the hearing. Representatives from the Human Rights Association (İHD) Dersim Branch, as well as relatives and colleagues of Berk, also followed the proceedings.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

The prosecution repeated its previous opinion and requested that Berk be punished.

In his defense, Berk rejected the accusations and stated that his activities were within the scope of journalism. "Journalism is not a crime," he said.

Lawyers Kenan Çetin and Doğa İncesu argued that the prosecutor should prepare an indictment based on concrete evidence rather than assumptions. "The accusation against Cihan Berk does not constitute organization membership," the defense lawyers said, demanding Berk's release.

Following the defense statements, the court delegation recessed the hearing for deliberation. The court sentenced Berk to six years and three months in prison for being a member of he Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), a Marxist armed group, while ruling for his release under an international travel ban. (HA/VK)

Lütfi Ardıç, a producer from Afyonkarahisar, western Turkey, a major hub for potato production, highlighted the widening gap between expenses and earnings. He noted that one ton of potatoes sells for 5,000 liras, while one ton of fertilizer costs 30,000 liras.

"Farmers are finished," Ardıç told ANKA news agency. "Right now, a liter of diesel is around 65 to 70 liras. To buy one liter of diesel, I need to sell nearly 14 to 15 kilograms of potatoes. A kilogram of this potato is 5 liras. One ton of fertilizer is 30,000 liras. This means we are finished."

Number of registered farmers further decreases, MP warns

7 May 2026

Ardıç, who also grows barley, wheat, alfalfa, and corn, described the situation as grim. He explained that fertilizer, fungicides, and insecticides are essential, but costs have forced farmers to plant seeds kept from the previous year.

"We are trying to cover the loss we made from potatoes with barley. We are trying to cover it with corn," Ardıç said. "We are trying to close the gap somehow, but it is impossible to close."

According to Turkish Statistical Institute (Turkstat) data, potato production in the country rose by 21.1%  to 6.9 million tons in 2024, before dropping by 7.2% to 6.4 million tons in 2025. In Apr 2026, monthly inflation was 4.18%, while annual inflation stood at 32.37%. The agricultural input price index also increased by 34.26%  annually in March.

Climate crisis at the table, market regime in the fields

14 February 2026

Ardıç said that many producers are forced to work with post-dated checks, which negatively impacts their financial stability. He added that failures to repay bank debts have led to the seizure of farming equipment.

"We plant potatoes but we receive our money in exchange for checks," Ardıç said. "We sell potatoes on credit, but they write you a six or seven-month check. As soon as you get that check, you go and give it to the place where you bought pesticides or fertilizer on credit."

'Many farmers left their villages'

Because debts remain unpaid, he has been trying to sell his tractor, equipment, and land, said Ardıç.

"Right now, in our village, the number of people who planted potatoes in 2025 and 2026 and made a loss is at least 80%," Ardıç said. "Electricity subscriptions were canceled. Wells were closed. We need big tractors because we plant potatoes. While there was an average of two tractors in each household, right now not even one tractor is left in any of them. Banks either took our equipment due to debt or we had to sell them. We have a lot of empty land. We have many people who left the village because they made a loss from potatoes, barley, and wheat."

Price fluctuations

A report by the Agriculture and Forestry Ministry notes that potatoes are among the products with the highest producer and consumer price fluctuations in Turkey. Producers base their planting decisions on the potato prices from the previous year, fertilizer prices, and market demand.

"It has been concluded that when fertilizer prices increase, farmers move away from potato production," the report stated.

Turkey ranks fourth globally in food inflation

15 May 2026

(VC/VK)

Many marine creatures, including a juvenile fan mussel, were found dead after becoming trapped in the ghost net, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.

Ghost nets are either nets discarded in the sea or intentionally left to continue passive fishing. Because they remain in the water for long periods, they turn into a deadly trap for marine life and pose a hazardous threat to the ecosystem.

The net was detected following a report made to Mobil Atlas, an application implemented by the Marine Life Protection Association and the Agriculture and Forestry Ministry, Volkan Narcı, head of the association, told AA. The application was launched last year to contribute to creating Turkey’s marine biodiversity map by uploading species, depth, and location information about marine creatures to the system.

Teams arriving in the area following the report conducted an exploration using underwater cameras, which showed that the nets were stuck in rocky areas and crevices, Narcı said. 

Underwater video reveals return of 'sea snot' in Marmara Sea

18 December 2024

During seven dives carried out at six different locations over four days, teams removed nearly 15,000 square meters of ghost net, 200 square meters of monofilament net, 225 kilograms of lead weights, 30 meters of rope, and 50 meters of trawl door rope.

The ghost nets removed from the sea could completely cover the nearly 390-meter-high Çamlıca Radio Tower.

In its decision published in the Official Gazette yesterday, the authority emphasized that while legal regulations draw the framework for employers to monitor and document working hours, there is no explicit statutory regulation allowing this to be done via biometric identification.

"Since there is no clear legal regulation providing for tracking to be done with biometric identification systems, carrying out attendance tracking through the processing of biometric data may constitute a violation of the law," the KVKK stated.

The authority said attendance tracking should instead be ensured through other methods including encrypted cards or PIN-based systems, traditional signature and paper-based attendance sheets, RFID/NFC identification cards, or manual entry under supervisor oversight.

While biometric identification systems such as fingerprints, facial recognition, iris scans, or retina scans appear attractive to employers due to being fast, accurate, and resistant to manipulation, this "forms an extremely sensitive area within the context of personal data protection law," according to the decision.

Employee complaints

The KVKK said that complaints regarding biometric systems are among the most frequent issues it receives from employees.

Highlighting a structural power imbalance in the employee-employer relationship, the authority expressed doubts over whether obtaining explicit consent from workers relies on free will.

Moreover, tracking practices must comply with the principles of proportionality, necessity, and data minimization, it added.

The KVKK is the highest decision-making body established to oversee the lawful processing of personal data and protect citizens' privacy rights in Turkey. Its legal framework is drawn by the Personal Data Protection Law No. 6698, which entered into force in 2016.

The KVKK is defined as a completely independent and autonomous structure that possesses administrative and financial independence and does not receive orders or instructions from any authority, organ, or person. It is affiliated with the Justice Ministry for bureaucratic procedures.

The board consists of nine members, with five elected by parliament and four appointed by the president. (AEK/VK)

The Elazığ 2nd Penal Judgeship of Peace issued the ruling based on Article 8/A of the Internet Law. This article allows for content blocks on grounds of national security, public order, crime prevention, protection of public health, or protecting the right to life and property.

İFÖD did not provide details about the exact reason for the blocking order.

Following the ruling, Cumhuriyet changed its handle from @cumhuriyetgzt to @cumhuriyetgzt1, presumably to circumvent the ban. The account, which has more than 3.4 million followers, is still accessible from Turkey.

It's not clear whether this accessibility is due to the handle change or because X has not yet implemented the ruling. While the platform generally complies with such orders, it occasionally refrains from doing so.

Founded in 1924, Cumhuriyet is the longest-running newspaper in Turkey. The secularist-nationalist paper, whose name literally means "republic," was established with the involvement of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the republic.

Turkey blocked record number of web addresses in 2024, surpassing 300,000

3 September 2025

(VK)

According to the study published in the special issue titled “Place-based Decarbonization” of the peer-reviewed journal Journal of Transport Geography, while transportation demand in Turkey is growing rapidly alongside economic growth and urbanization, this growth relies heavily on private vehicle use. The perception that public transportation systems are inadequate in terms of comfort, safety, and accessibility reinforces this trend. The study also highlights that incentives for air travel and decades-long road-centric transportation policies have limited the development of low-carbon alternatives such as rail and maritime transport.

The research emphasizes that Turkey also possesses significant opportunities for a low-carbon transportation transition. The tech-savvy nature of the young population, along with investments in smart transportation systems and electric vehicles, offers potential for this transformation. However, technical innovations alone are not sufficient for a lasting solution. According to the study, a genuine transformation in transportation can only be achieved by strengthening public transit, promoting pedestrian- and bicycle-oriented mobility, and developing policies tailored to the local conditions of cities. Achieving this transformation is critical not only for meeting climate goals but also for building more livable, accessible, and sustainable cities.

Second only to energy in emissions

The transportation sector, one of the most critical areas in the fight against climate change, is responsible for approximately 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions. However, the transformation of this sector is not an issue that can be resolved solely through technological innovations. Since transportation is a system directly shaped by economic growth, urbanization, and social preferences, policies aimed at reducing carbon emissions must also take this multi-layered structure into account.

In developing countries like Turkey, this balance is even more delicate. Economic growth, rising income levels, and urbanization are rapidly increasing transportation demand. While this growth supports mobility and economic vitality on one hand, it drives up energy consumption and carbon emissions on the other. Therefore, the fundamental question remains relevant: How can emissions be reduced while meeting the growing demand for transportation?

Private vehicle ownership is rising

The study reveals that private vehicle use is steadily increasing in Turkey. Economic growth, rising income levels, and the perception of the automobile not merely as a means of transportation but also as a symbol of social status are reinforcing this trend.

Negative perceptions regarding the quality of public transportation services, however, stand out as a significant obstacle. In particular, the fact that urban public transportation systems are not considered sufficiently comfortable, safe, or accessible is driving up demand for private vehicles.

This creates a vicious cycle in urban transportation: As private vehicle ownership increases, demand for and investment in public transportation may weaken; as the appeal of public transportation diminishes, private vehicle use becomes even more widespread.

Transportation infrastructure cannot keep pace with rapid urbanization

The rapid urbanization process experienced in recent years is also one of the most significant barriers to low-carbon transportation. The rapid growth of urban populations due to rural-to-urban migration and the horizontal expansion of cities are increasing travel distances. This situation not only makes it difficult to plan public transportation systems effectively but also makes private vehicle use more “necessary.”

Especially in cities growing without proper planning, the inability of public transportation infrastructure to keep pace with this growth is one of the key factors driving emissions increases.

Road-centric transportation infrastructure limits transformation

For many years, Turkey’s transportation infrastructure has developed largely with a focus on roads. This situation, which limits the development of lower-carbon alternatives such as rail and maritime transport, has resulted in high emissions in both passenger and freight transport.

The neglect of railway infrastructure in the past has increased dependence on road transport, particularly for freight. Gaps in connections between ports, logistics hubs, and railways further hinder the widespread adoption of more sustainable transportation options.

However, the issue is not limited to physical infrastructure alone. Institutional structures and policy design also play a decisive role in the process. The study reveals that measurable targets, concrete indicators, and monitoring mechanisms are often missing from policy documents.

Additionally, inter-agency coordination issues and the inadequacy of data collection and management systems make it difficult to develop effective policies. In particular, there is a lack of reliable and comprehensive data regarding transportation-related emissions. This makes it difficult to both accurately analyze the situation and measure the impact of policies.

Solutions tailored to local conditions must be developed

The transformation needed in Turkey’s transportation sector encompasses strengthening public transportation systems, developing rail and intermodal transportation, and setting measurable policy targets. However, perhaps the most critical point is the necessity for these policies not to be one-size-fits-all.

Cities in Turkey possess significantly different economic, spatial, and social characteristics. Therefore, low-carbon transportation policies must be sensitive to local conditions and developed through place-based approaches.

(TY/VK)

Nayir was brought from the Marmara (Silivri) prison to the hearing at the İstanbul 13th Heavy Penal Court.

In his defense, Nayir criticized the indictment, saying, "Despite reading it multiple times, I did not understand anything from the indictment. The prosecution has only included money transfers. There is no evidence proving my guilt."

Lawyers claim access to files blocked in ESP investigation

10 April 2026

His lawyer, Azad Katar, similarly stated that the contents of the indictment could not be clearly understood and failed to provide evidence for the allegations:

"Neither the dates nor the individuals are clear in the indictment. A sense of mystery has been added to the content of the indictment. At this stage, how can my client prepare a defense without date and person information?

"The report by the Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK) mentions 17 money transfers involving 12 individuals, but there is no information on what action they were used for and why. There is no clear situation proving organization membership.

"Wiretapping records are mentioned, but there is no transcript of these records. He is accused based on a phone call he made regarding removing and installing a sign for the association he chairs.

"Likewise, a document is mentioned in the indictment. However, this is my client's notebook. In the indictment, it was presented as if it were digital material.

"I can only say that I find the indictment tragicomic.

"For social media posts, we see that the content is in no way included in the indictment. My client's posts are retweets of the posts of the Socialist Party of the Poor (ESP). The ESP is a legitimate party established according to the Law on Political Parties. It is a party that can participate in elections and for which citizens can vote. Moreover, there is no element of crime within the contents. There is no statement in the posts in question that would legitimize the posts of the organization.

"The elements of the crime of organization membership are clear. According to the Court of Cassation, being within the hierarchical structure, giving representation to the organization, using a code name, and having an organic bond are required. But none of these exist in this case file.

"There is no concrete situation showing that my client is an organization member. At this stage, we request his release."

The court recessed for 10 minutes following Katar's statements. Announcing its decision after the recess, it ruled for the release of Cemre Nayir under judicial control measures, whcih include a ban on traveling abroad and a requirement to check in at a police station once a week.

Nayir is expected to be released from Marmara (Silivri) Prison today.

(HA/EK/VK)

Following the transfer process that took place early today, the municipality evacuated the structure and dismantled its own ticket booths.

The cistern has been temporarily closed to visitors and will open after the directorate sets up its own ticket booths.

The municipality restored the cistern in 2022. Since then, it has attracted more than 11 million visitors, according to Cenk Akın, a municipal subsidiary operating in the cultural sector.

"On Apr 18, we lowered the entrance fee to 1 lira for Turkish citizens. Within that scope, 500,000 of our citizens visited," ANKA news agency quoted Akın as saying. "We really managed it well. The legal processes are also ongoing. However, we are here as tenants, as Kültür AŞ, and as of today, we are carrying out our transfer to Foundations."

Legal process

The title deed of the Basilica Cistern was taken from the municipality on Apr 1, and registered on behalf of the General Directorate of Foundations.

After the process was taken to the judiciary, the İstanbul 8th Administrative Court on May 9 issued a stay of execution regarding the administrative action for the evacuation of the cistern.

The court also ruled for the stay of execution without requiring a guarantee until the defenses of the Fatih District Governor's Office and the General Directorate of Foundations are received or the period for defense expires. (TY/VK)

Falling on the 18th day of Dhu al-Hijjah, the 12th and final month of the Islamic lunar calendar, the holiday is named after the Ghadir Khumm region between Mecca and Medina, where Prophet Muhammad delivered a sermon upon returning from his Farewell Pilgrimage.

The Ghadir Khumm holiday is celebrated by Arab Alawites as well as all Shia groups as the day when Prophet Muhammad declared Ali bin Abi Talib as his successor upon returning from the Farewell Pilgrimage in 632.

Prophet Muhammad delivered a speech in the Ghadir Khumm region, located about four kilometers from the Juhfah area between the cities of Mecca and Medina. He is believed to have designated Ali as the caliph after him by stating, "Whomever I am the master of, Ali is also his master."

This holiday is considered the holiest day of the year for Arab Alawites, who live predominantly in provinces such as Hatay, Adana, and Mersin in Turkey.

Since the holiday has a strong culture of sharing and hospitality, communal tables featuring traditional dishes and desserts generally stand out. (TY/VK)

Four news articles published on the Kısa Dalga news site as part of the dossier titled "The Visa Empire" (Vize İmparatorluğu) have been censored. Journalist Canan Coşkun, who prepared the articles, said on social media that the series was not yet complete and that further parts were upcoming.

According to a notification by the Information Technologies and Communication Authority (BTK), the decision was taken under Article 8/A of Law No. 5651. This article allows for access blocks on internet content for reasons such as the right to life, safety of life and property, national security, public order, crime prevention, and protection of public health.

The investigation, coordinated by Lighthouse Reports with the participation of 14 media organizations from 12 countries, revealed that VFS Global, a leading mediation company, often offers applicants non-compulsory additional services, but these services are effectively operated as an integral part of the application.

The research stated that services such as VIP lounges, SMS notification, courier, document scanning, and printing turned into invisible additional costs for applicants.

The reports published on Kısa Dalga examined the Turkey operations of VFS Global, its business partner in Turkey, Gateway Management, the business relations of company owner Halis Ali Çakmak, and alleged connections with former Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu.

The series also included allegations of monopolization in visa processes, black market intermediaries, and the experiences of applicants.

(HA/VK)

The survey, which tracks living conditions in the capital Ankara, showed that the hunger threshold—the minimum monthly food expenditure required for a family of four to have a healthy, balanced, and adequate diet—rose to 35,174 liras. This amounts to 125% of the current minimum wage of 28,075 liras (1 US dollar = 45.90 Turkish liras).

Poverty line nearly 4 times the minimum wage in June

15 July 2024

The cost of living for a single employee increased to 45,488 liras in May.

Living costs continue to increase

Türk-İş reported steady increases in these expenditures over the first five months of the year. In January, the hunger threshold was 31,224 liras, the poverty threshold was 101,706 liras, and the cost of living for a single worker was 40,541 liras. By April, those figures rose to 34,586 liras, 112,660 liras, and 44,802 liras, respectively.

The monthly food expenditure required for a family of four increased by 588 liras over the past month. The cumulative effect of monthly increases reached 3,950 liras in additional kitchen expenses for family budgets in the first five months of the year.

Turkey ranks fourth globally in food inflation

15 May 2026

The rise in living costs continues to negatively affect the living conditions of broad segments of society, particularly wage earners and retirees, Türk-İş said in its research report. The increase in food prices, which holds a significant share in basic necessity expenditures, increases the pressure on household budgets, the union added.

Pensioner poverty in Turkey: 9 out of 10 say need to work to stay afloat

12 May 2026

Türk-İş also noted that the increase in kitchen expenses, which constitute a significant portion of expenditures for low-income and fixed-income segments, runs higher than the increase in general consumer prices.

Under current economic conditions where inflation maintains its high level, wage increases remain insufficient to cover price increases, leading to a decline in the purchasing power of workers, the report stated.

The union called for a broader approach to wage setting due to these economic strains.

"In this framework, determining wage incomes by considering only the realized inflation rate is not sufficient," Türk-İş stated. "In order to protect the purchasing power of workers and retirees, prevent the deterioration in income distribution, and contribute to the reduction of poverty, wage policies need to be handled in a broader social and economic framework." (HA/VK)

Unlike a traditional modeling contest, the Hornet Turkey 2026 program is designed as a multi-stage visibility and participation project that aims to bring the stories, experiences, and creativity of queer people to a wider audience.

ILGA Rainbow Index: Turkey remains second-worst country for LGBTI+s in Europe

11 May 2023

As part of the program, selected participants will take part in professional photo shoots, content creation and various community events.

Participants chosen at the end of the program will have the opportunity to take part in Hornet’s international visibility efforts, contribute to various content and campaigns, and work on projects representing the diversity of the LGBTI+ community.

Apple removes Hornet queer social network app from AppStore Turkey

10 August 2021

Along with a cash prize, the total value of the support, which includes collaborations and productions within the scope of brand ambassadorship, is expected to be around 100,000 liras (~2,180 US dollars).

Victor Sevilla, an associate marketing director at the company, said they were excited to launch the program and emphasized the importance of creating safe spaces for queer commmunity.

Turkey blocks access to 29 dating, video chat apps

2 September 2025

(TY/VK)

Members of the Hatay Diving Center noticed activity in the water while returning to the coast by boat from a diving event, according to Anadolu Agency (AA) reporting.

Realizing it was a whale, the divers followed the animal for a while and recorded footage using a mobile phone camera before the whale disappeared from sight.

🟢 Hatay’ın Samandağ ilçesi açıklarında balina görüldü

🗣️ Anatomist ve Yaban Hayatı Fotoğrafçısı Dr. Pedram Türkoğlu: “Dünya’nın yaşayan en büyük dişli predatörü sularımızda yaşıyor. Ne büyük bir ayrıcalık!” https://t.co/ao5BaSNiBx pic.twitter.com/hVHheBABHJ

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 1, 2026

The miners on Apr 29 ended a two-week protest, which included a march from Eskişehir to Ankara, after three ministries stepped in to guarantee that their severance pay and wage arrears would be paid. Labor and Social Security Ministry, the Interior Ministry, and the Energy and Natural Resources Ministry were involved in the process.

Workers attempted to travel to Ankara today but faced obstacles from authorities, according to a statement from theIndependent Mine Workers Union (Bağımsız Maden-İş).

The union said the buses they hired to travel to Ankara were canceled three times due to pressure and threats of fines from authorities.

Over 100 miners detained after march to Ankara over unpaid wages

21 April 2026

When the workers attempted to travel with their their own vehicles instead, they faced police checkpoints in the Ayaş and Beypazarı districts on the outskirts of Ankara, the union said. Police stopped many vehicles to spot the workers.

"There is no turning back from this path without getting our rights," the union said. "Either declare us slaves or give us our rights."

'We won't return until we get paid'

In Beypazarı, Bağımsız Maden-İş Organizing Specialist Başaran Aksu said they won't return until the workers receive their payments:

"In the meeting held under the supervision of three ministries, where the boss and the holding CEO were also present, it was promised that all demands would be accepted and payments would be made. 

"No one will return from this path before seeing the worker's right in the IBANs. If they do not have the power to deposit the money into the IBAN, they should not be saying 'ban'."

Police detain union leaders as miners' protest continue in Ankara

27 April 2026

Union met with officials

Following the announcement of the plan to go to Ankara, the ministries requested a meeting before the workers set off, according to the union.

A delegation consisting of Doruk Madencilik workers and union executives is currently holding a meeting with the ministries.

While the workers maintain their decision to go to the Interior Ministry, their arrival time in Ankara will depend on the attitude of the police. The miners state that they will not end their protest until their severance pay and wage arrears are paid. (HA/VK)

The demonstration was held at 7.00 pm on Mis Street, a side street leading to İstiklal Avenue. The gathering took place despite a official ban and widespread transportation restrictions. 

GEZİ FAMILIES SPEAK OUT

'The impunity of the murderers killed our sense of justice'

9 May 2022

Hours before the event, called by the Taksim Solidarity group, police blockaded Taksim Square, İstiklal Avenue and the surrounding areas in line with a demonstration ban in the district. Public transit lines and several roads were also closed.

The protest was attended by lawmakers, representatives from political parties, labor and professional organizations, and democratic civil society groups. Among the participants was Gülsüm Elvan, the mother of 14 year old Berkin Elvan, who lost his life during the Gezi protests after being struck by a tear gas canister fired by police in Okmeydanı.

Berkin Elvan’s birthday: He would have been 26

6 January 2025

Demonstrators carried placards reading "Justice for Gezi" that featured photos of the imprisoned defendants of the Gezi trial. The crowd chanted slogans including "Taksim is everywhere, resistance is everywhere," "A thousand greetings to those who fell and fought in Gezi," and "We are Gezi, we will come again."

Gülsüm Elvan addressed the crowd first. "One day we will definitely break this blockade and commemorate our children by leaving carnations at Gezi. Can Atalay, Mine Özerden, Çiğdem Mater, Osman Kavala, and Tayfun Kahraman will also be with us," Elvan said.

Who are the eight convicts of the Gezi case?

26 April 2022

Following Elvan's speech, the crowd held a moment of silence for those who lost their lives during the Gezi resistance. The names of Mehmet Ayvalıtaş, Ethem Sarısülük, Abdullah Cömert, Medeni Yıldırım, Hasan Ferit Gedik, Ali İsmail Korkmaz, Ahmet Atakan, and Berkin Elvan were read out one by one, alongside journalist Hakan Tosun, who was killed in October. The crowd responded to each name by shouting "He lives."

Three acquitted in Gezi Park case retrial

11 February 2025

(VC/VK)

Metro İstanbul, the city's rail transit operator, announced that multiple lines would remain closed until further notice:

"In line with the decision taken by the İstanbul Governor’s Office, as of 1.00 pm today, until a second announcement; Taksim station of our M2 Yenikapı-Hacıosman Metro Line, F1 Taksim-Kabataş Funicular Line, and TF1 Maçka-Taşkışla Cable Car Line will be closed for operation.

"The İstiklal Avenue exit of our Şişhane station will be closed to passenger use. Our passengers can use the other entrances and exits of the station. Our vehicles will continue their journey without stopping at Taksim station."

Additionally, İstanbul police closed the following streets and roads to traffic: İstiklal, Sıraselviler, İnönü, Mete, Prof. Dr. Bedri Karafakioğlu, Boğazkesen, Ömer Hayyam (from Tarlabaşı Taksim junction), Atıf Yılmaz, Turnacı Başı, Hamalbaşı, Kamer Hatun, Yeni Çarşı, Meşrutiyet, Bostanbaşı, İlk Belediye, Hayriye, Asmalı Mescit, Cihangir, Tak-ı Zafer, Abdülhak Hamit, Galip Dede, Asker Ocağı, Tarlabaşı Bulvarı, Refik Saydam, Dolapdere Taksim, Sakızağacı, Kalyoncu Kulluğu, Ömer Hayyam, Aynalı Çeşme, Tepebaşı, Tersane Caddesi, Irmak Caddesi, Yedikuyular, Taşkışla.

The decisions came on the anniversary of the 2013 anti-government demonstrations known as the Gezi Park protests. Earlier, the Taksim Solidarity group called for a gathering in the area to mark the anniversary.

Ar the time, the government planned to demolish Gezi Park in Taksim Square to rebuild the historical artillery barracks as a shopping and commercial center. On May 28, 2013, activists set up tents in the park to resist the project.

Protests grew against the removal of the tents and the uprooting of trees in the park, transforming into countrywide anti-government protests by May 31. Protesters occupied Gezi Park for about two weeks before a police crackdown cleared the area.

Nine protesters and one police officer died and hundreds were injured during the demonstrations. Gezi Park continued to remain a park.

Who are the eight convicts of the Gezi case?

26 April 2022

(VK)

It is the morning after the night before and I’m feeling a bit worse for wear. I had sent my wife to bed whilst I singlehandedly changed the world with a few comments online. I checked them in the morning and they were all fine, I think I’ve been here too long. In the UK, Boris Johnson and David Cameron would receive my wrath, never rude but enough to make you feel better.

Yesterday seems like a distant dystopian nightmare, why did I get so upset? I will tell you in just a few words. It’s upsetting seeing people distraught and in pain, these are people I love. Police officers, tear gas and a MP crying are not what I’m used to seeing, so I naturally feel revulsion. Now at 12.45pm, it had slipped back into the normal, it’s just the way things are. Am I normalising trauma?

Most of the news channels carry the image of one man. It is like a golden Pharaoh has been resurrected from the dead. The words are repeated over and over again “Calm Down.” He is a teacher and the population are naughty hyperactive toddlers who have eaten too many sweets. 

Evening 

The leader who isn’t the leader is holding rallies the new leader who isn’t the leader is at home whilst the leader who isn’t the leader goes to the rallies from parliament as the leader not leader of the parliamentary group that he is no longer leader of, is that clear. 

The others say this is nothing to do with us whilst the puppets dance around.

Before I turn in, I glance around the channels as I do throughout the day. Each carry almost the exact same story at the same time. Now it is “Who is in the building?” It is like a symphony with a conductor orchestrating their daily digest.

Police storm CHP headquarters after leadership ouster

24 May 2026

26/05/06

Midday on an extremely hot day in a west coast city the police provide water hoses to cool the protesters down. This is of course not true, except there are water hoses knocking old people down in the street. I feel revulsion, people carrying nothing more than their beliefs. Is this normal. I’m sure someone can explain to me why it is.

And then I see a water fountain splashing into a delightful pool, a distant friend showing current memories at the Hotel Luxury Life online. Holding beers no one can afford, food out of their reach. The snapshot of time spent relaxed and regenerated, flying over the specks of misfortune. “Oh look that must be a gigantic water fountain in a swimming pool.” 

I can’t promise to be 

calm, dignified

and indifferent, 

like a rock by the sea…

If my heart’s going to break,

Let it break from anger,

Grief,

Or joy 

Nazim Hikmet 

(to be continued and continued and continued)

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Turkish products were entering the crumbling Soviet market, including Kazakhstan, with remarkable speed. While local economies struggled under chronic shortages and Western brands were only beginning to emerge, Turkish businesses often proved faster, more practical, and more accessible. Turkish margarine like “Rama”, chocolates such as “Albeni”, biscuits, sweets, and household goods became visible symbols of a changing consumer landscape.

For children, however, Turkey’s most important export was chewing gum.

Soviet gum certainly existed. In Kazakhstan, one of the most common local varieties was simply called “Sagyz” (literally, “gum”). It was cheap, but it could hardly compete. Turkish gums offered longer-lasting flavor, better bubbles, and, most importantly, collectible inserts.

These inserts quickly became more valuable than the gum itself. A stick of gum could be carefully stretched across an entire day, but a rare insert could retain value for months or even years.

“Turbo”, “Final 90”, “Tipi Tip” and many others were no longer just candy wrappers. They became the building blocks of a childhood economy centered around cars, football players, cartoon characters, romantic comic strips.

Each series had its own liquidity. Rare pieces commanded higher exchange rates. Some traded one for two, or even more. Without realizing it, children were learning the logic of markets.

By 1990-91, a single pack of Turbo gum might cost around three Soviet rubles. At a time when a respectable monthly salary for an adult could be roughly 300 rubles, this was hardly insignificant. For a child, buying imported gum was both pleasure and investment.

The secondary market was even more revealing. A single insert could cost one ruble. Even the wrapper itself could hold value, selling for 30 to 50 kopecks. Parents may have believed they were giving money for cinema tickets or ice cream, but in many cases they were unknowingly funding a thriving childhood collectibles market.

Before long, simple collecting evolved into commerce. At one point, I developed my own basic arbitrage strategy. A neighbor had acquired a collection of rare “Malabar” cartoon inserts, highly unusual in our area. I traded my “Final” football cards for “Malabar” inserts, then exchanged those same “Malabar” inserts at school for additional football cards under more favorable terms. Within weeks, my football collection had expanded dramatically. I did not know the language of arbitrage at the time, but I understood profit.

Back then, even neighborhood street culture carried economic undertones associated with gum inserts. If you wandered into the wrong district, a conversation with local bullies could begin quite directly:

“Where are you from? Got money? Inserts?”

These small printed collectibles were often treated almost like a parallel form of currency.

Only years later did I fully understand that many Turkish phrases printed on these inserts had entered my childhood consciousness long before I understood their meaning. “Almaniya Milli Takımı” simply meant the “German national team”. “Oto” meant “automobile”. Yet as children, these words felt like fragments of a larger, glamorous international language. In retrospect, this may have been one of my earliest encounters with Turkish soft power.

Turkey itself had experienced similar waves of consumer transformation earlier. In the worlds described by Orhan Pamuk, especially in his portrayals of Istanbul’s evolving urban consumer culture, one can glimpse earlier forms of commercial fascination with packaging, collectibles, and imported aspiration. By the time Turkish gum reached post-Soviet Central Asia, some of that commercial culture was quietly traveling with it.

Like any currency, inserts were vulnerable to inflation. When new series emerged, older ones rapidly lost value. This happened, for example, when “Final 90” gave way to “Final 92”, reflecting the changing cycles of major football championships. Collections depreciated. The market moved forward.

“Turbo”, centered around automobiles rather than tournament schedules, generally retained value longer. Cars, after all, aged more slowly as symbols than football competitions.

Adults regularly tried to suppress demand with warnings about harmful chemicals or vague health dangers supposedly linked to imported gum. But such fears rarely proved stronger than market enthusiasm.

…At some point, my own collection was stolen. At the time, it felt like a personal catastrophe.

But the loss faded more quickly than I expected. Not because I was necessarily maturing, but because scarcity itself was disappearing. As imported gum became more accessible, the value of the inserts declined accordingly.

No currency retains its value forever. (TZ/VK)

In Dörtyol, torrential rain that began in the morning hours caused the Deliçay and Özerli Rivers to overflow.

All passengers and crew members were successfully evacuated, according to the Marmaris district governor.

The incident occurred after the boat set sail for a daily tour. State broadcaster TRT reported that the vessel began taking on water following a malfunction at around 3.45 pm local time (GMT+3).

Some passengers jumped into the sea as the boat began to flood, according to TRT reporting. Coast guard teams and nearby vessels rescued the passengers and crew.

The boat completely sank about an hour after it started taking on water. No casualties were reported in the incident. (VK)

The injuries occurred during attempts to slaughter cattle, sheep and goats, or while skinning the animals after slaughter. 

Those injured by cutting tools or by the strikes of animals attempting to survive were brought to hospitals by relatives or ambulances.

"I invite our citizens to be more careful during the process and wish a speedy recovery to our injured siblings," the minister said ina written statement. "I heartfeltly thank all our healthcare workers who work selflessly during the Eid shift."

In Islam, sacrificing animals is not a religiously mandatory practice, but sunnah, which means it is based on interpretations of the words and actions of prophet Muhammad. 

Slaughtering animals and sharing the meat with neighbors and those in need during Eid is a commonly observed tradition in the country. (TY/VK)

O'Flaherty called for aligning Turkey's domestic laws and practices with the European Convention on Human Rights and ECtHR case law. He noted structural problems in the Turkish Penal Code, Anti-Terror Law, internet legislation, NGO oversight, the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) structure, detention practices, and the execution of high court rulings.

The report welcomed the inclusion of civil society in the parliamentary commission under the Kurdish peace process, labeled as "Terror-Free Turkey Initiative" by the government, as an opportunity to restore trust in democratic institutions.

Legislation restricting free speech

The commissioner stated that several penal provisions unjustifiably restrict free speech. He raised concerns over the use of the Turkish Penal Code and Anti-Terror Law by courts to limit expression, pointing specifically to articles on insult, insulting the president, degrading the state, and "spreading misleading information."

O'Flaherty urged amendments to Turkish Penal Code Articles 125, 299, 301, 217/A, 215, 216, 220, and 314, calling for the complete repeal of Article 299 on insulting the president.

The report noted that 29 journalists were detained in Turkey at the time of the report's release. 

The commissioner also pointed to regulatory pressures on media through the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) via fines and broadcast suspensions based on vague concepts like "national values."

He called for amending Internet Law No. 5651 and Broadcasting Law No. 6112, noting that over 1.2 million websites and URLs were blocked in Turkey between 2014 and 2024 without independent judicial oversight.

Right to assembly

Regarding the right to assembly, authorities reported 82,220 demonstrations in 2025 with over 32.6 million participants, asserting police blocked only 0.3 percent of the events. 

However, the commissioner criticized the lack of official data on bans and force usage. He highlighted the Mar 2025 protests following the detention of İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu where 1,879 people were detained, 260 arrested, and 468 placed under judicial control. The report also cited restrictions on Pride Week, March 8 marches, and the Saturday Mothers.

O’Flaherty therefore called for Articles 125, 299, 301, 217/A, 215, 216, 220, and 314 of the Turkish Penal Code, as well as the relevant provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Law, to be amended in line with the case law of the ECtHR and the opinions of the Venice Commission. 

Justice system

On the justice system, O'Flaherty criticized the structure of the HSK, noting that the appointment of members by the president and parliament, along with the justice minister's presence, allows executive influence.

He called for reform based on merit and independence. The report also raised concerns over long indictments, parallel trials, and prolonged detentions of journalists and activists.

The report emphasized the need for lawyers and bar associations to operate safely. O'Flaherty met with the İstanbul Bar Association, whose executives faced charges of "terror propaganda" over a Dec 2024 statement. Although acquitted in Jan 2026, the prosecutor appealed.

The commissioner also noted the trial of İstanbul Bar board member Fırat Epözdemir and urged Turkey to sign the Council of Europe Convention on the Profession of Lawyer.

'Deep concerns'

O'Flaherty expressed deep concern over lower courts refusing to implement Constitutional Court rulings, explicitly naming the Can Atalay and Tayfun Kahraman cases, where the Court of Cassation rejected violation judgments. He noted that Turkey has 445 ECtHR judgments awaiting execution, one of the highest numbers among member states.

Finally, the commissioner recommended that Turkey rejoin the İstanbul Convention to address protection gaps in violence against women and reform the Human Rights and Equality Institution of Turkey (TİHEK) to comply with UN Paris Principles. (HA/VK)

With one signature President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan shut down one of the foundational private universities of the country by presidential decree. University employees would miss final paychecks; students would be automatically transferred to Mimar Sinan University, which lacked many of their majors; and it was unclear whether graduating seniors would indeed graduate at all. In a country already marked by mass employment and political turmoil this was yet another incursion on daily life. 

That was until a student movement won back their university in three days, cementing a rare, historic victory for the Turkish opposition movement — one won in the streets, rather than parliament, the polls or the courts, which many young people feel has continuously failed them. 

The morning after the announcement about 2,000 students and supporters gathered in and outside the gates of the university. Those outside of campus were eventually allowed entry as numbers escalated and pressure mounted. After a march to the central green space organizers made speeches and read press statements. Students played live music, danced halay and called for an occupation until their university was re-opened. 

Once the environment calmed and the crowd dispersed, students lamented about their futures. Many asked questions and speculated about unemployment, housing, salaries and classes with few answers surrounding the haphazard decree. Moments of gallows humor were followed by laughs, silences, more questions accompanied by more speculation, and political discussions — often marred with sharp criticism of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).  

Friends of mine discussed the campus as a home and an ecosystem, one they took pride in taking care of. 

“Who will feed the cats?” one friend asked me. 

One masters student and university employee, Hatice Anlağan, said that this was the second time this has happened to her. She was a student at İstanbul Şehir University, which the state closed in a similar fashion in 2020. Both closures were near holiday times, likely to quell resistance as students returned to their hometowns. 

“I was warning people about the situation that we might experience in the future,” she said, “I was trying to make them aware of what we are going to face if we don’t stand strong, if we don’t stand against this decision … in a real way. If we can’t, it’s done — it’s over.” 

Anlağan offered thoughts about her experience during open forums organized in empty classrooms in the evening. 

Some students stayed overnight to occupy the campus, but by the third day security cleared them out. It was this third day that was the most eventful, marked by police brutality and teargas, but also demonstrated the resolve of the protestors and perhaps secured their victory. 

Students linked arms and stood across waves of police armed in riot gear. And behind the many rows of officers stood an TOMA, a tank equipped with a water cannon often used to disperse protestors, one of multiple on site. The students hoped to occupy their university, but it was the police who resembled an occupying military force — they behaved like one too. 

Police were the first to break the tension, charging forward in unison. Students were knocked over and some started to flee when a few organizers called on students to stand their ground. Many immediately reversed to hold their lines. Protestors tried to hoist each other up while police kept knocking them down. 

One officer almost seemed to pose for my pictures amidst rounds of battering students with his shield. 

About 15 minutes later police launched tear gas into the crowd. One photographer, much more equipped than myself, had a gas mask ready. I did not, and neither did most of the students, who only had each other, a few surgical masks they never got the opportunity to put on and water bottles filled with crushed Talcid to wash out the chemicals.  

Students’ eyes burned shut and welled with tears. Some screamed in pain and others tried to tough it out. Friends flushed their eyes with talcid-water and fanned their reddened faces. 

One student accompanied by her peers wrapped her arm in a sling with a kefiyeh while sitting on the pavement towards the back. She said the police broke her arm during this first clash, one of a few to come. Atleast 20 students were arrested during these attacks.

The fierce student resistance was not only about their right to an education, but a referendum on dignity and the right to decide their future. The slogans indicated this and also demonstrated a wide representation of political groups and interests coming together to achieve this. 

Some of the most common signs read "Boyun eğme” or “don’t kneel” and also “Ne kayyımın ne AKP'nin, kampüsler bizimdir," or “Neither the trustee nor the AKP, the campuses are ours.” 

Revolutionary socialists shouted “Mahir, Hüseyin, Ulaş; Kurtuluşa kadar savaş!" (Mahir, Hüseyin, Ulaş, war until liberation) in reference to fallen communist revolutionaries. 

LGBTI+ groups chanted “neredesin aşkım, buradayım aşkım” (Where are you my love, I’m here my love). I noticed one guy student zealously chanting it in unison while his friends around him chuckled. It seemed like a sweet, funny moment to me — someone perhaps going out of their comfort zone in this moment led by LGBTI+ organizers in a shared fight. 

All of the students joined together to shout various slogans against the decree and the AKP, and of course, sing the Turkish version of Bella Ciao. During quiet moments students sat on the floor and shared cigarettes, cookies, candies, poğaça and small cups of lentil soup. 

Riot shields demarcated a physical border between this microcosm of a more egalitarian society and the realities of the present, manifested in the hyper-millitarized police and armed tanks that have become a fixture in the lives of many Turkish youth.  

Emir Aydoğan, a representative from the private sector teachers’ union, said that Bilgi University had significant problems around unlawful wages, workers’ rights and high tuition fees prior to the closure. However, they are still fighting for the rights of students and workers. 

“We emphasize that we do not defend Bilgi University as it is … but there were still some egalitarian and libertarian leaning practices, cultural practices and education between students and academics and workers … We defend the university, the part of the university that we create,” he said.  

“We are in a better position after this resistance in terms of fixing the problems of the university before the decree … It was a great victory for the whole of the public of the universities of Turkey as well,” he added.  

He also said that students are the most effective, populous and dynamic element of social struggles, both in Turkey and abroad. The past three days seemed to validate this. 

As night fell and protestors remained unable to infiltrate the campus, organizers had to weigh out risks and make a decision.They announced plans to disband and meet at the same location tomorrow. Just like that the third day was over. 

I rushed to a nearby cafe to download photos and post them before midnight as it was already around 9pm. By the time I shared them, the students had won. The state announced a full reversal of the decision. It was the first time I had ever seen something like this. 

Students were electrified, relieved and yet still harbor complicated feelings about the whole ordeal. And atleast one student remains in custody from an evening house raid following the decree, according to activist groups.

“I still have fire in my chest for how they did this, like suddenly, in one night and in one signature, one man did this — And after three days it’s over, like a joke,” Anlağan said to me. 

One student organizer in a speech during the celebration held at the university the following day said something similar: 

“Even though we are all people from very different backgrounds and with very different views, we won by uniting and resisting. Because we all share a common concern. Our concern is not just the closure of our university. Our concern is that our rights can be taken away overnight, with a single signature, by a single person." 

Until this is no longer the case, we will never be able to guarantee young people in Turkey the future they deserve. (İK/VK)

According to the Islamic lunar calendar, the four-day feast begins on the 10th day of the month of Dhu al-Hijjah.

Overview of the Constitutional Declaration

Syria's interim constitution, known as the Constitutional Declaration, establishes a five-year transitional framework signed by interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa. The Declaration explicitly grants vast power to President al-Sharaa for a period of five years, without any checks and balances. The President holds executive power as the head of government and Supreme Commander of the armed forces. He appoints one or more Vice Presidents, his Cabinet, and ambassadors, and he also heads the National Security Bureau.

Furthermore, he appoints a committee that will elect two-thirds of the People’s Assembly, the Syrian parliament. He directly appoints the remaining one-third of the assembly. Although the judiciary is declared independent, all seven members of Syria’s highest court, the Supreme Constitutional Court, will be appointed by the President. The former Constitutional Court is abolished. The Declaration is also silent regarding the duration of a judge’s tenure, which is essential for judicial independence. [1]

The Declaration enshrines an impressive list of human rights, including cultural and religious diversity, the right of women to education and work, and freedom of expression, as well as all the rights and freedoms in international human rights treaties ratified by the Syrian Arab Republic. However, many of these rights are not in compliance with other provisions in the Declaration. For example, the right to be free from religious discrimination and the right to freedom of belief are incompatible with provisions requiring that the President must be a Muslim and that Islamic jurisprudence is the principal source of legislation. These provisions favor Islam and specifically prioritize Abrahamic religions, meaning Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, rather than granting protections for all beliefs and religious practices.

The Declaration emphasizes the need to preserve the unity and integrity of Syria, its land, and its people. It criminalizes calls for division and secession, and requests for foreign intervention or external support. Article 1 further states that Syria is an indivisible geographical and political unit. Interpretation of these constitutional arrangements makes it clear that the traditional centralist, unitary state approach does not allow any discussion about the possibility of any form of autonomy or power-sharing. [2]

‘It's a recipe for one-man rule’: Syria’s new constitution shatters hopes

25 March 2025

The Declaration from a minorities’ perspective

As seen from the overview above, the transitional period is codified through the Constitutional Declaration, yet the legal status of minorities in Syria remains largely unaddressed. This failure has created significant uncertainty about the future and rights of minorities. In other words, although interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa pledged to protect minorities, the declared constitution and enacted legal framework have faced serious criticism for failing to provide clear, enforceable, and practical protections for religious and ethnic minorities.

Furthermore, the Constitutional Declaration establishes a centralized state under the name "Syrian Arab Republic," recognizes Islamic law as the main legislative source, and declares Arabic as the official language of the country. Besides these provisions, the Declaration stipulates that the president must be a Muslim. These lines demonstrate that the Declaration has adopted Islam as the main pillar of the interim constitution. In Syrian history, the dominant status of Arab identity and Islam in the constitution has served to strengthen the power of the ruling elite while causing significant social, sectarian, and political tensions.

Consequently, this constitutional arrangement has raised significant concerns regarding the rights and safety of religious minorities, such as Christians, Alawites, and Druze, as well as ethnic minorities, like the Kurds, due to the lack of explicit protections and the failure to recognize non-Arab ethnic identities. Additionally, despite the President’s promises of inclusion, religious minorities continue to face targeted attacks, including assaults on Christian churches and retaliatory violence against Alawites.

Meanwhile, as of Mar 2026, authorities in Damascus under the new Islamist-led government have imposed strict bans on the sale and consumption of alcohol in restaurants and bars. As an exception, alcohol sales are restricted to sealed bottles for takeaway in specific, predominantly Christian neighborhoods.

ALAWITES IN TURKEY AND SYRIA

A struggle for identity beyond invisibility and fear

20 May 2025

Minorities are striving for recognition

Minority groups in Syria, including Kurds, Druze, Alawites, and Christians, have actively started demanding formal recognition of their identities, rights, and representation within a new decentralized state structure. As of May 2026, several international media agencies reported that due to constitutional uncertainty, the transitional period has been dominated by political negotiations and conflicts between the government and minorities seeking recognition. The political landscape remains highly volatile, as these minorities face an uncertain future under the new dominant Islamist transitional government.

After raised expectations turned to disappointment during this period, Kurdish political and military leaders entered negotiations with central governments across the Middle East to secure constitutional recognition of their identity, language, cultural rights, and regional autonomy. In January 2026, following intense clashes, the President announced a decree recognizing Kurdish as a national language and restoring citizenship for Kurds. However, despite this formal recognition, the Kurdish language continues to face difficulties in public institutions and education. Officials in Damascus have classified Kurdish as a foreign language. This means Kurdish students in some regions are expected to learn core subjects, like math and science, in Arabic first, rather than using Kurdish as the primary language of instruction. This approach, following the declaration of Arabic as the official language, keeps the legal status of Kurdish restricted to an abstract national language term. Consequently, there is no official equality with Arabic in public affairs, or even in the education of Kurdish students, even in regions dominated by the Kurdish population. [3]

Early in May, the Syrian Justice Ministry removed the Kurdish nameplate from the Hasakah Palace of Justice, replacing it with an Arabic and English one. This intervention sparked massive public outrage and protests across the region, with Kurdish advocacy groups arguing that their language is a core part of Syria's indigenous identity and not a foreign imposition. In short, conflicts over the status of the Kurdish language in public institutions and education are still ongoing and remain unresolved.

Alawites, the dominant minority group under the Assad regime, have been the target of violence and revenge attacks by armed groups and informal militant groups acting on behalf of the new leadership following the fall of Bashar al-Assad. According to figures provided by the UN, massacres have resulted in the deaths of over 1,400 Alawite civilians, and tens of thousands have been forced to flee their homes. UN human rights experts underlined that war crimes may have been committed in predominantly Alawite areas of Syria during a wave of deadly violence earlier this year. Having lost their former status, Alawites are suffering from insecurity and economic deprivation. Many in the coastal heartland fear vengeance and are seeking a safe place within the new political framework. [4]

WITNESSES OF THE SAHEL MASSACRE

Zaynab from Latakia: We just want to live in security and peace

21 March 2025

The Druze community in southern Syria, particularly in Suwayda, has developed a high degree of local autonomy and acts as a buffer zone near the Israeli border. Although there is no unified consensus, the Druze community has maintained a region under the influence of Israel and advocates for a democratic, decentralized Syria. Israel has used military force to defend the Druze minority to establish a buffer zone with a loyal community, aiming to prevent hostile regional powers from gaining ground.

Christian and other religious minorities also seek to preserve their communities' identities against a rising Arab-Islamist regime influenced by HTS. While religious freedom was theoretically promised, Yazidi communities have reported destroyed shrines and fear increased marginalization. [5]

Furthermore, the Declaration explicitly adopts international human rights law, stating that all rights and freedoms stipulated in international human rights treaties, charters, and agreements ratified by Syria are considered an integral part of the document. Although these provisions are theoretically significant for protecting minority rights, the government fails to honor them in practice. This authoritarian political stance has caused widespread disappointment among minorities regarding their future, as conflicts over recognition continue.

Conclusion

Historical experience proves the existence of a close relationship between the legitimacy of political systems and the recognition of minorities and identities. In today's understanding of multiculturalism, cultural differences are not considered a threat, but rather a social asset representing the diversity of a society, serving as the foundation of social peace, stability, and a secure, pluralistic democratic society.

In brief, this existing constitutional structure of Syria, based on a single Arab-Islam cultural group, fails to recognize and instead ignores other cultural groups and identities. This raises questions about the legitimacy of the system and fuels ongoing conflicts. If the permanent Syrian constitution to be drafted after five years fails to accommodate minorities, it may fail to end the ongoing conflicts and the instability of social fragmentation. In order to end these conflicts and establish a peaceful social order, the new constitution must adopt an inclusive approach, designing power-sharing arrangements that recognize all social groups, minorities, and identities.

In other words, to form a democratic structure and bring peace and social order to Syria, the transitional government must accommodate all differences and identities, as they constitute the primary elements of a multicultural social structure. (NT/VK)

References

1)  https://syriaaccountability.org/a-problematic-constitutional-declaration/

2)  https://constitutionnet.org/sites/default/files/2025-03/2025.03.13%20

3) https://www.kurdishpeace.org/research/kpi-qamishlo/multilingual-education-will-help-syria-s

4)  https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/08/1165649

5)  https://newlinesinstitute.org/middle-east-center/preventing-another-sectarian-authority 

Özel, who was removed from office by a court decision on May 21, had previously announced that the rally would take place at Cumhuriyet Square in the CHP stronghold. Following his announcement, the İzmir Governor's Office banned events in that area and stated that the rally could take place in Gündoğdu Square instead.

Despite the restriction, crowds began to gather at Cumhuriyet Square and faced a police blockade. Party supporters continued to arrive at the rally site regardless of the barrier.

Police dispersed citizens in the streets leading to Cumhuriyet Square using water mixed with pepper spray. Water cannon vehicles deployed to each street leading to the square.

Police using water cannon against the crowd:

#İzmir | CHP lideri Özgür Özel'in mitingi öncesi polis, Cumhuriyet Meydanı'nda toplanan yurttaşlara tazyikli su sıkarak müdahale etti. pic.twitter.com/JeGyo3KEDi

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 26, 2026

Despite the intervention, Özel arrived at the area together with his spouse and daughter, marching together with the crowd. He eventually took the floor to address the crowd.

Members of the crowd at the rally expressed anger toward Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who was reinstated by the court as the party leader, chanting "traitor Kemal." They "free leader, free Turkey," referencing Özel's first name which translates to "free."

Various leftist parties also joined the rally.

Özel and his family marching together with the crowd:

#İzmir | CHP lideri Özgür Özel, Cumhuriyet Bulvarı üzerinde yurttaşlarla birlikte yürüyüşe geçti. Kitle, "Gün gelecek, devran dönecek, AKP halka hesap verecek" ve "Direne direne kazanacağız" sloganları attı. pic.twitter.com/XiPpKvfpT4

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 26, 2026

Court removes leadership of Turkey's main opposition party

21 May 2026

Özel demands new congress

In his speech at the rally, Özel challenged Kılıçdaroğlu to hold a new party convention:

“Let’s hold a convention immediately, quickly, as soon as possible. That’s what I’m saying. I say let’s compete with whichever delegates you want at that convention. But there are those trying to avoid holding a convention and drag things out. I’m calling out to Mr. Kemal: I invite him to let our 2 million members elect a party leader within a week or two after the holiday. Let 2 million CHP members elect the party leader!

“If you put the ballot box before 2 million CHP members, I’m a candidate. I’ll run as the last elected general chair.

“Don’t split the party; don’t stop the march to power. Let’s ask the 2 million members—whomever they choose, let’s hold the convention immediately. I will not enter into any compromise that would halt this party’s march to power; I will not bargain with anyone; I will not betray a single comrade; I will not turn back from this path!”

An Ankara court ruled on May 21 that the 2023 party congress where Özel was elected the party chair to end Kılıçdaroğlu's 14-year tenure was null, citing that delegates had been compromised through methods such as vote buying. The court reinstated Kılıçdaroğlu as the chair.

On May 24, police raided the CHP headquarters in Ankara upon the request of Kılıçdaroğlu, after which the ousted administration left the building.

Although Özel was removed from the CHP leadership, he remains a CHP lawmaker and was elected parliamentary group chair by the party's members of parliament.

Police storm CHP headquarters after leadership ouster

24 May 2026

(VK)

In an interview, he says:

“There is a very important and exceptional situation that distinguishes Kılıçdaroğlu from all other political leaders in Turkish political history, especially those who have come to power. Kılıçdaroğlu is a bureaucrat, a high-ranking bureaucrat and technocrat. He joined the Finance Ministry in 1971 and rose through the ranks there, eventually heading Bağ-Kur and the Social Insurance Institution (SSK). Consequently, Kılıçdaroğlu has always acted in a collaborative manner with the state and the establishment, and this has benefited him as a bureaucrat. He took the helm of SSK, one of Turkey’s largest public institutions with over 60,000 employees. Despite being a leftist, the establishment, the state, and the ruling power—under a political structure where Demirel was prime minister and Özal was president—trusted Kılıçdaroğlu. Consequently, Kılıçdaroğlu’s approach as a bureaucrat has always been built on rising through the ranks by collaborating with the system and the ruling power. When I asked him about 2002 and his CHP leadership, he made a very telling remark: ‘When I joined the CHP, I didn’t know what a party was or what party politics entailed.’ This means: He is not someone who understands political party organization. Nor is he a politician who can rally the masses behind him.”

Court removes leadership of Turkey's main opposition party

21 May 2026

In other words, Özkan says, “Kılıçdaroğlu ran against Erdoğan; but he did not establish a genuine political break with the state order Erdoğan had built. Instead of making the people, the organization, and the streets the main force in the march toward power, he invested in approval from within the state, internal system-level compromise, and the ‘emergence of suitable conditions.’”

Again, according to Özkan—and I believe this is the crux of the matter—this bureaucratic background has led Kılıçdaroğlu to perceive power not as something to be wrested from the state through the people’s strength, but as a position the state will “deem appropriate to appoint” once conditions ripen. For Kılıçdaroğlu, politics is an appointment process. And the fact that we are once again discussing “an appointment” in May 2026 is surely no coincidence.

Özkan even went further, stating that Kılıçdaroğlu’s general attitude—which, like a pressure cooker releasing steam, pacifies the opposition into accepting the status quo—has elevated him to the position of “the regime’s leading collaborator.”

Police storm CHP headquarters after leadership ouster

24 May 2026

***

A second context involved certain truths articulated by political scientist Aytuğ Şaşmaz.

According to Şaşmaz, Kılıçdaroğlu has sought to soften the CHP’s classic ‘hardline secularist’ image; through steps like the language of reconciliation, opening up to the right, and the headscarf law, he has aimed to steer the party toward a line that is ‘non-threatening’ to conservative segments. Although he knew what not to do by purging the old elitist cadres, he did not know how to fill the resulting void or what to do. In other words, he thought about the strategy of destruction but not the strategy of construction. As someone unfamiliar with the organization, he avoided engaging in the exhausting and long-term struggle to transform the party organization into a merit-based structure from the grassroots up. He quickly lost hope that the organization could be transformed and abandoned the vacuum within the party to local power centers (delegate networks). By giving up on growing his party’s internal dynamics and its own inherent strength, he expended his energy outward—that is, at the negotiating table, forging “top-down” alliances with other parties. He has become a successful “architect of alliances” but has failed to be a leader who builds his party’s organizational machinery.

***

Now, drawing on these two analyses, perhaps the following point needs to be made.

Kılıçdaroğlu truly acts with a “bureaucrat’s reflex.” He has lived his life believing that the state would constantly “call upon him” and “bring him back.”

Kılıçdaroğlu’s political inaction is not a personal flaw but the inevitable result of a specific understanding of the state-society relationship.

It is highly likely that he views the decision of absolute nullity as “a kind of call from the state.”

According to his logic, the state told him to take up his post. It was the state, not the government, that said this! (But let us emphasize that there is also a concentrated power-oriented mindset embedded within this state.)

Because for him, legitimacy comes not from the will of the people but from the state’s endorsement.

In other words, it can be said that during his 13-year tenure as party leader, Kılıçdaroğlu worked alongside Erdoğan. During this time, he moved forward by convincing “those who trusted him” and repeatedly defusing any momentum that could have shaken the system. That was his function.

Let’s look at this final, absolute case. Kılıçdaroğlu did not engage in any confrontation, did not take any action; he simply waited and held out until the state told him to go.

Imagine a country where the main opposition (in the person of Kılıçdaroğlu) has learned, over decades, to fall in line instead of resisting, to “wait for the right conditions to emerge” instead of winning, and to set up a negotiating table instead of building; this is the failure of an opposition culture. Without dismantling this learned obedience, neither can the CHP be revitalized, nor can the Kurdish issue be resolved, nor can the regime be truly defeated. Because the secret to Erdoğan’s ability to stay in power for so long cannot be explained solely by his own strength; the real reason lies in the fact that the opposition he faces has been shaped by a reflex that waits to be called upon by the ruling power rather than demanding power itself. The fundamental lesson to be drawn from this is that “politics that awaits the state’s approval cannot rally society behind it.” (SB/VC/VK)

Veterinarian Tarkan Özçetin said that the cat and the dog were caught in the middle of heavy tear gas and chaos at the headquarters, but their health is currently good.

"As of now, the general health of both of our dear ones is good. Their regular checks continue," said Özçetin. "Thankfully, no serious health problems occurred. But last night reminded us of one more thing: animals remain the most innocent among human anger and political fights."

Police raided the headquarters yesterday following a court decision on May 21 that annulled the party's 2023 leadership election congress due to irregularities.

Police storm CHP headquarters after leadership ouster

24 May 2026

Court removes leadership of Turkey's main opposition party

21 May 2026

(TY/VK)

Hydrobiologist Levent Artüz said the organism seen on the coast is the compass jellyfish, a species that can be observed along the coasts of Turkey. He added that the species can cause skin irritation due to the stinging cells on its tentacles.

Artüz stated that the compass jellyfish is distributed across the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean Sea, the North Sea, the Aegean Sea, and the Sea of Marmara, noting that its presence in the Sea of Marmara is not new.

"Biogeographically, the compass jellyfish is a native species of the Northeast Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean basin," Artüz said. He added that claims suggesting the species was carried to the Marmara region via ballast water from ships do not align with scientific facts.

According to Artüz, the entry of the species into the Sea of Marmara occurred naturally through the two-way current system of the Dardanelles Strait.

'Not an invasion'

Artüz said the first comprehensive hydrobiological studies on gelatinous organisms in the Sea of Marmara were conducted in the 1890s by Russian zoologist Aleksey Alekseyevich Ostroumoff.

Stating that the record of the compass jellyfish in modern literature dates back to 2000 based on sampling from the Erdek Gulf, Artüz said this should not be seen as a new invasion of the species, but rather as the first official academic cataloging date in the modern era.

Artüz listed the primary causes for the species becoming permanent and proliferating periodically in the Sea of Marmara and the İzmit Gulf as human-induced pollution, rising sea water temperatures, overfishing, and eutrophication.

Underwater video reveals return of 'sea snot' in Marmara Sea

18 December 2024

Stating that the discharge of domestic, industrial, and agricultural waste into the sea increases the organic load in the upper water body, Artüz said turbidity reduces light transmittance and increases heating in the upper layer. He noted that these conditions support the reproduction and growth processes of the compass jellyfish.

Artüz also said the decline in pelagic fish stocks that feed on plankton, such as anchovies and sardines, due to pollution and overfishing has weakened the natural pressure on jellyfish.

"These are all developments in the form of a decrease in species diversity and a change in competition conditions depending on the increase in the number of individuals of existing species, which is a typical feature of the second stage of pollution," Artüz said, adding that this is called the Rule of Pessimum Conditions in ecology.

'We do not know the sea we live by the coast of'

Artüz said that the compass jellyfish is in its own natural habitat, stating that the real problem is human-induced pressures on the marine ecosystem.

"This creature has neither a grudge against humans nor a planned attack," Artüz said, adding that the increase in jellyfish is a cycle that can be seen in the Sea of Marmara every year during the spring and summer months.

Artüz criticized the presentation of this situation in the media every year as a disaster encountered for the first time.

"We do not know the sea we live by the coast of," he said. According to Artüz, the increase in the visibility of compass jellyfish should be viewed alongside pollution, overfishing, and the disruption of ecological balance, rather than just the natural cycles of the marine ecosystem. (YÖ/HA/VK)

The top court did not find the entire regulation allowing searches on digital materials during criminal investigations to be unconstitutional, according to the verdict published today in the Official Gazette. However, it annulled certain provisions regarding the seizure of devices for copying computer data and conducting analysis.

The Bursa 1st Penal Court of First Instance brought the challenge in connection with an anti-smuggling case. The local court applied to the Constitutional Court, arguing that certain provisions in Article 134 violated the right to privacy and the protection of personal data.

The objection argued that there were insufficient safeguards regarding which data would be examined during digital searches and copying, how copied data would be protected, how long it would be retained, and how irrelevant personal data would be filtered out.

Digital search 'legitimate'

A majority of the Constitutional Court members did not view searching computers and digital materials as entirely unconstitutional. The court stated that goals such as reaching the material truth in criminal investigations, preventing the loss of evidence, and fighting crime effectively are legitimate.

The ruling noted that computer searches require "strong suspicion based on concrete evidence" and the "impossibility of obtaining evidence by other means." Therefore, the court concluded that the search measure was bound by specific conditions and did not constitute arbitrary authority.

However, the Constitutional Court found provisions regarding the copying of digital data and the seizure of devices for analysis to be unconstitutional.

The annulled provisions allowed for copying all or part of the data on computers, computer programs, and computer files, as well as seizing devices to perform analysis and extract necessary copies.

Insufficient safeguards

The court emphasized that digital devices can contain vast amounts of personal data. The ruling stated that adequate safeguards regarding the protection of data irrelevant to the investigation, retention periods, destruction, return, and effective legal remedies for those concerned were not clearly regulated in digital copying and seizure procedures.

According to the Constitutional Court, this uncertainty creates a risk of disproportionate interference with the right to respect for private life and the right to demand the protection of personal data.

The core of the decision is that access to digital evidence is possible within the scope of a criminal investigation, but it cannot be done in an unlimited and unguarded manner.

The court evaluated the annulled provisions under Article 13 of the Constitution, which covers criteria for restricting fundamental rights, and Article 20, which protects the privacy of private life and the right to protection of personal data.

The court pointed out that procedures performed on digital equipment have a different nature than traditional search and seizure measures. A computer or digital copy can contain not only evidence related to the investigation, but also a large amount of data belonging to the person's private life, communications, professional activities, and third parties.

The seizure of digital equipment has been a problem particularly for journalists, hampering their work due to data loss and the fact that seized equipment is often not returned for months, forcing them to purchase new devices.

Kurdish journalists left without computers after police raid

1 November 2022

Fate of Confiscated Digital Devices on Parliamentary Agenda

11 March 2019

New legislation to be prepared

The Constitutional Court delayed the effective date of the annulment, stating that a legal vacuum could arise if the decision took effect immediately. Accordingly, the annulment provisions will enter into force nine months after the publication of the decision in the official gazette.

During this period, parliament is expected to introduce a new regulation in Article 134 containing new safeguards regarding the copying, retention, filtering, destruction of digital evidence, and legal remedies for those concerned.

Constitutional Court members İrfan Fidan, Muhterem İnce, Yılmaz Akçil, Ömer Çınar, and Metin Kıratlı wrote dissenting opinions against the decision.

The dissenting opinions argued that the current regulation provides adequate protection through judicial decisions, the right to object, and criminal procedure guarantees. The dissenting members did not join the annulment decision, stating that obtaining and protecting digital evidence is mandatory for criminal trials. (Mİ/VK)

The latest decree repeals the one published on May 22:

"Pursuant to a letter from the Presidency of the Higher Education Council, a decision has been made to repeal Presidential Decision No. 11384 dated May 21, 2026, regarding the revocation of the operating license of Istanbul Bilgi University, for which a trustee had been appointed to its founding foundation, in accordance with Additional Article 11 of the Higher Education Law No. 2547."

The closure decision sparked protests from students, who have refused to leave the campus for the past three days. Yesterday, police responded to the protest with tear gas and rubber bullets, detaining several students.

Several detained at İstanbul Bilgi University as students protest closure

24 May 2026

The founding foundation of the university had been managed by a trustee since September following the seizure of Can Holding by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) as part of a large-scale money laundering investigation.

The university's license was revoked in accordance with Additional Article 11 of the Higher Education Law No. 2547, a provision allowing the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) to close a university if the quality of education at the institution is deemed inadequate and the "recommendations and warnings to remedy the situation" are not implemented.

Can Holding seized in major financial crimes investigation

11 September 2025

Former university rector, media executive among 11 arrested in expanding Can Holding investigation

22 October 2025

Established in 1996, İstanbul Bilgi University is one of the country's major higher education institutions and its fourth foundation university.

İstanbul Bilgi University 'Sold' to Holding

4 September 2019

(VK)

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ordered the closure of the university through a May 22 decree, which revoked its operating license.

Following the decree, students and faculty members launched a sit-in protest, refusing to leave the Santral İstanbul Campus. University Rector Ege Yazgan visited the protest site at midnight, stating that efforts to ensure a smooth transition were ongoing but announcing that the campus would be closed.

Ill treatment allegations

This morning, a large police team surrounded the campus. A student solidarity network announced that police began intervantion at around noon and detained several students, subjecting them to ill-treatment.

"We have been surrounded," a student said in a video published by the solidarity network. "They pulled our friends by their hair and arms. We were all subjected to torture. Only about 10 of us are left. We will get our detained friends back, we want our school back."

The university previously announced that its students would be transferred to Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, which was desiganted as the guarantor for Bilgi University. However, some departments at Bilgi University, such as engineering, do not exist at Mimar Sinan, leaving the status of those students uncertain.

The closure

The foundation running the university had been managed by a trustee since September as part of the seizure of Can Holding by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) in a large-scale money laundering investigation.

The university's license was revoked in accordance with Additional Article 11 of the Higher Education Law No. 2547, a provision allowing the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) to close a university if the quality of education at the institution is deemed inadequate and the "recommendations and warnings to remedy the situation" are not implemented. (TY/VK)

Police entered the building by cutting through doors with buzzsaws and tearing down makeshift barricades set up by party members. Tear gas and rubber bullets were fired inside as videos showed the area filled with smoke.

#MutlakButlan |🔴CHP Genel Merkezi'ne girmeye çalışan polislere içerideki bir partili yangın tüpü ile müdahale etti. pic.twitter.com/4DxfdZdSkc

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 24, 2026

The party leadership, members, and supporters had been inside the headquarters since May 21, when the court decision was issued.

According to media reports, the ousted leader, Özgür Özel, and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the leader reinstated by the court, spoke to discuss a transition but failed to reach an agreement. The ousted leadership refused to leave the headquarters. Following this, Kılıçdaroğlu applied to the authorities to request that police enter the headquarters, according to a statement from the Governor's Office of Ankara.

🔴 CHP lideri Özel ve partililer, Genel Merkez binasından ayrılıp Meclis'e doğru yürüyüşe geçti. Polis müdahalesinin ardından bina içinden görüntüler.

📹 Video: @kepenekevrimm pic.twitter.com/yi5ZyWzjXv

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 24, 2026

Özel released a video from inside the headquarters during the incident, where he said, "Our crime was making the CHP the first party of Turkey," in reference to the party's victory in the 2024 local elections.

After police stormed the building, Özel and party executives ledt the building and started marching to the parliament.

The party is also organizing protests in various cities including İstanbul.

Bahçeli calls for settlement between CHP factions after court ousts leadership

22 May 2026

Özel had defeated Kılıçdaroğlu at a congress in Nov 2023, ending his 14-year tenure as the party leader. The faction that lost the election subsequently filed complaints, alleging that delegates were compromised during the election through vote-buying and promises of internal party positions. On May 21, the court ruled that the congress was an "absolute nullity" due to irregularities.

Background

The case traces back to a shift in the leadership of the CHP following the 2023 presidential and parliamentary election, where Recep Tayyip Erdoğan secured his third term as the president.

Kılıçdaroğlu was held responsible within the party for the defeat, after running and losing against Erdoğan in what was widely seen as the most challenging election for him in two decades amid deepening economic troubles.

Following the election loss, İstanbul's now-suspended mayor and a prominent figure in the party, Ekrem İmamoğlu, launched a “change” movement within the party, opposing Kılıçdaroğlu’s continued leadership. Özgür Özel, backed by İmamoğlu, defeated Kılıçdaroğlu at the Nov 2023 congress, becoming the party’s first new leader in 14 years.

Members of the faction that lost control of the party challenged the congress results, alleging irregularities such as buying delegates' votes with cash and party posts. In Feb 2025, an investigation was opened into the congress. Separately, İmamoğlu was arrested in Mar 2025 on corruption-related charges and suspended from office. 

Turkey's main opposition party investigated over vote buying allegations during congress

10 February 2025

Annulment cases filed by various members of the party were merged into a single file at the Ankara 42nd Civil Court of First Instance on Feb 14, 2025, and the court held the first hearing on Apr 17, 2025.

There were two dimensions to the case, with one focusing on the criminal elements and the other on the procedural aspects of the party congress. Regarding the criminal aspect, the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office indicted 12 individuals, including İmamoğlu, for rigging a vote on Jun 3, 2025, seeking prison sentences from one to three years.

On Oct 24, 2025, the Ankara 42nd Civil Court of First Instance ruled that there was no need to render a judgment on the merits regarding the case, on the grounds that the case had become moot. The court also dismissed the merged files, which included the request for the annulment of the Sep 2025 extraordinary congress, due to a lack of hostility. In the 22-page reasoned decision announced on Nov 10, 2025, the court noted that party organs were re-elected at the new congresses and conventions, and that these elections were certified by district election boards, therefore no legal interest remained regarding the old congresses whose annulment was sought.

The decision was subsequently appealed. Examining the file, the Ankara Regional Court of Justice 36th Civil Chamber today ordered the temporary removal of Özel and the party administration, and ruled that Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and his executive team take over the leadership.

(VK)

Due to its location in the Eastern Mediterranean basin, Turkey is situated in one of the regions where the effects of climate change are felt most acutely. Rising temperatures in recent years, rainfall patterns signaling change, and prolonged heatwaves are making the country’s hydrological balance increasingly fragile. According to data from the General Directorate of Meteorology, the 2024–2025 period stands out as one of the driest phases of the past half-century. During this period, many major cities—particularly Istanbul and Ankara—faced severe water stress, and reservoir levels in many major cities dropped to critical thresholds.

However, the truly critical point is that even the rainy period in 2026 provided only limited relief in many regions. This situation indicates that drought in Turkey is no longer merely a matter of temporary meteorological fluctuations; it points to a more permanent and structural hydroclimatic transformation. Long-term drought index analyses reveal that, particularly since 2018, both the spatial extent and persistence of drought signals have increased significantly. In other words, Turkey is entering an increasingly widespread and chronic aridity regime.

The soil is drying silently

To understand the true extent of drought, looking solely at precipitation amounts is insufficient. This is because hydrological systems do not store and record precipitation instantaneously, but over long time scales. Therefore, soil moisture is one of the most critical indicators for predicting both drought and the resulting changes in wildfire regimes.

Regional soil moisture loss over the past 10 years based on Copernicus data (Prepared by: Bikem Ekberzade).

Analyses based on Copernicus’s latest soil moisture data indicate that a significant moisture loss has occurred across most of Turkey during the 2015–2025 period. It is clearly evident that these losses accelerate further during the summer months and the wildfire season. The drying trend over the past 10 years is also clearly reflected in a decrease of approximately 17.7% in the annual average soil moisture, 19.2% during the wildfire season, and 23.1% during the summer period.

This change is not limited to a mere numerical decline. The decrease in soil moisture increases water stress on plants, alters evapotranspiration processes, and makes forests far more vulnerable to fire. The trend of moisture loss observed in forested areas of the Black Sea Region indicates that fire risk is no longer limited to regions experiencing seasonal drought, such as the Mediterranean Region.

More importantly, ecosystems can no longer compensate for this loss in the short term.

'Drought memory': Nature does not forget the stress it has experienced

The concept of “drought memory” refers to the ability of hydrological systems to carry the stress of past droughts for years.

Our delayed correlation analyses across different time scales reveal that short-term (3–9-month) meteorological droughts weaken relatively quickly; in contrast, long-term hydrological drought signals (24–48 months) can persist in the system for years. Particularly in long-term drought analyses, it shows that water loss in the deeper layers of the soil does not disappear even after a year has passed, and that nature continues to carry this water crisis within itself, despite superficial short-term recoveries.

The practical implications of this situation are quite critical: Forest ecosystems enter the new fire season under water stress despite annual regional rainfall. In other words, the risk does not start from zero every summer; the accumulated hydrological stress from previous years carries over into new fire seasons. Therefore, a single rainy year is not sufficient to eliminate chronic drought conditions.

The carbon dioxide paradox: greener forests, greater risk 

Climate change isn’t just causing a drying effect; it’s also creating a paradox. Rising carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere can temporarily accelerate plant growth in some ecosystems. Forests may appear denser, more closed-in, and “greener.” While this process may seem positive at first glance, it brings a different danger to regions where drought persists: excessive fuel accumulation resulting from increased biomass and subsequent rapid drying.

In other words, more vegetation does not always mean a healthier ecosystem in the long term. Especially in areas where fragmentation of forested areas (due to road construction, infrastructure projects, urbanization, etc.) is significant, this biomass can turn into a massive fuel reserve for large wildfires as long as water stress persists.

The major wildfires that occurred around Bursa, Bilecik, and Eskişehir in 2025, resulting in loss of life, clearly demonstrated just how devastating the consequences of this hydroclimatic pressure can be. Drought, ecosystem degradation, and fire regimes have now evolved into a mutually reinforcing feedback loop: drought and forest fragmentation weaken vegetation cover; weakened ecosystems become more vulnerable to fire; and fires further disrupt soil water-holding capacity and hydrological balance. Unless this cycle is broken, it seems likely that we will face even larger and more destructive fire seasons in the future.

Turkey needs a new fire and water policy

The emerging picture shows that Turkey can no longer address climate risks solely through a “disaster management” perspective. This is because the current approach is largely reactive; that is, it only kicks in after a fire breaks out, dams run dry, or a crisis becomes visible. Yet under the new climate regime, risks manifest much earlier, through accumulations observed in early warning signals.

Therefore, it is now clear that the traditional management approach, based solely on past fire records, is insufficient. To anticipate future risks, it is necessary to jointly assess hydroclimatic trends, soil moisture dynamics, ecosystem stress, forest fragmentation, and the physiological responses of vegetation.

In particular, forested areas—especially those in watersheds, enclosed regions, and karstic zones that support groundwater—as well as old-growth forest systems and all ecosystems with high carbon storage capacity, must now be viewed not only as environmental assets but also as strategic hydrogeological security zones.

(TY/VK)

Bob Dylan wrote this iconic song in 1989, when we may have thought everything was broken but we now know this was not the case. You received letters explaining things to you, businesses and government departments  answered phone calls and you didn’t feel you were being fucked over at every turn. Wind forward to today: Tyrants rule the world; robot AI politely tell you to “do one” and all departments are populated by certified idiots, who would find it difficult to open a crisp packet unaided. Into this visceral terrain, I waged war against my UK bank. I was Che Guevara and I was going to bring them to their knees through justice, Martin Luther King eat your heart out. Supported as ever by wife, who this time took the role of Fidel Castro. My bank said as you live abroad we are canceling your account. I screamed I’m British and fought them on the beaches and lost badly. 

They always know best and speak the truth. Not just the liar in chief in the White House but every one of them. Inflation is perfect deflection. Every time you go to the shops you feel physically robbed, mugged. When once you screamed, I’m home dear carrying eight big bags of delights, now for the same price you come back with one stale bread and cheese which you all have to eat tonight before the sell-by date goes. The news says you’re fine, it’s all getting better. It’s like the Monty Python parrot sketch. The shop owner claims the parrot he’s sold (read the economy) is alive, John Cleese the buyer states only because it’s nailed to the perch (read economy fine only because you say so), “what we have here is a dead Parrot” (economy). 

It is even seeping in here when once the shopkeeper with a pencil behind one ear could solve everything, even he can’t be everywhere. It is now the big companies and they are never wrong. My phone package had not been activated as it usually does and I received a bill with lots of 0’s at the end. “Yeah, we checked it out, we phoned you on.” (You have no record of that.) “Then we later spoke and told you to activate, we have a record of it.” “Can you share it?” “Oh, will look into it,” which means no. “Ok, let’s get it activated go on page BePop 34.” “What!” “At the top you will see a flashing purple bear.” “I can’t see one,” in a whimper. “Screenshot it.” “How?” “Just take a photo.” So I did. “That’s of your cat,” she returns it, the cat looks confused. “I don’t know what to do.” And there, they have you, they are like those spaghetti westerns, all shiny front but behind it is nothing but stashes of idle profit. If you have no financial clout, you are knocked out.

I think I will now converse with Fidel Castro (my wife) to see what our and your next move is.

(To never be continued as agreed by the Federal court ruling of NOW, Mr&Ms X vs the World.)

The closure of the university, which has been under trustee management since Sep 2025 after being seized by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) from Can Holding as part of a financial crimes investigation, was described by students as an abrupt decision that creates uncertainty.

Efforts were made to block graduates who came to support the protest from entering the campus as police were deployed to the university. Police initially blocked entries to the campus but the issue was later resolved through negotiations.

Students said the decision was made without any preparation, dragging the future of thousands of students into uncertainty. Burak Çetiner, head of the İstanbul No. 6 Universities Branch of the Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen), stated that the struggle against unlawful decisions yields results.

The 36th Civil Chamber of the Ankara Regional Court of Justice, which handed down the ruling yesterday over alleged irregularities during the 2023 congress, including vote buying, rejected the CHP headquarters' request to lift the interim injunction. 

Separately, the YSK convened to review an appeal against ruling concerning the congress where Özgür Özel was elected. The electoral board also rejected the appeal following its meeting.

The Özel administration will take the case to the Court of Cassation, the top appeals court.

Bahçeli calls for settlement between CHP factions after court ousts leadership

22 May 2026

Atakan Sönmez, the press advisor for Kılıçdaroğlu, confirmed that the former leader would return to the party headquarters.

"Mr. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu will go to the Republican People’s Party headquarters. Have no doubt about this," Sönmez told reporters outside Kılıçdaroğlu's office. Özel had said after the court ruling that he would refuse to leave the headquarters.

"The duties of Mr. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the Party Assembly, and all other organs did not begin with the notification just now. Their duty already started the moment yesterday's court decision became final. Today's procedure is a necessary action for the completion of the official protocol. The Party Assembly determined by the 37th Congress and all councils elected there have officially started their duties as of yesterday."

Reactions to court-ordered ouster of CHP leadership

21 May 2026

Later in the day, Kılıçdaroğlu changed his bio on X to "Chairperson of the Republican People's Party." 

His reinstatement is temporary, as he will lead the party to a new congress to replace the one that was annulled.

Background

The case traces back to a shift in the leadership of the CHP following the 2023 presidential and parliamentary election, where Recep Tayyip Erdoğan secured his third term as the president.

Kılıçdaroğlu was held responsible within the party for the defeat, after running and losing against Erdoğan in what was widely seen as the most challenging election for him in two decades amid deepening economic troubles.

Following the election loss, İstanbul's now-suspended mayor and a prominent figure in the party, Ekrem İmamoğlu, launched a “change” movement within the party, opposing Kılıçdaroğlu’s continued leadership. Özgür Özel, backed by İmamoğlu, defeated Kılıçdaroğlu at the Nov 2023 congress, becoming the party’s first new leader in 14 years.

Members of the faction that lost control of the party challenged the congress results, alleging irregularities such as buying delegates' votes with cash and party posts. In Feb 2025, an investigation was opened into the congress. Separately, İmamoğlu was arrested in Mar 2025 on corruption-related charges and suspended from office. 

Turkey's main opposition party investigated over vote buying allegations during congress

10 February 2025

Annulment cases filed by various members of the party were merged into a single file at the Ankara 42nd Civil Court of First Instance on Feb 14, 2025, and the court held the first hearing on Apr 17, 2025.

There were two dimensions to the case, with one focusing on the criminal elements and the other on the procedural aspects of the party congress. Regarding the criminal aspect, the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office indicted 12 individuals, including İmamoğlu, for rigging a vote on Jun 3, 2025, seeking prison sentences from one to three years.

On Oct 24, 2025, the Ankara 42nd Civil Court of First Instance ruled that there was no need to render a judgment on the merits regarding the case, on the grounds that the case had become moot. The court also dismissed the merged files, which included the request for the annulment of the Sep 2025 extraordinary congress, due to a lack of hostility. In the 22-page reasoned decision announced on Nov 10, 2025, the court noted that party organs were re-elected at the new congresses and conventions, and that these elections were certified by district election boards, therefore no legal interest remained regarding the old congresses whose annulment was sought.

The decision was subsequently appealed. Examining the file, the Ankara Regional Court of Justice 36th Civil Chamber on May 21 ordered the temporary removal of Özel and the party administration, and ruled that Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and his executive team take over the leadership.

(VK)

Global trends of polarization, wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, technological changes, and the dominance of major tech platforms further endanger independent and quality journalism. Media activism thus becomes essential to uphold the values of public interest in media and communications.

The purpose of this handbook is to map good practices of media activism to inspire activities for defending public interest in media and communications, including the promotion of media and information literacy.

Download the publication in English here.