Turkey Should Be Welcomed in The EU

An Independent Commission to examine the challenges and opportunities presented by Turkey’s possible membership of the European Union concludes that Turkey is already eligible for negotiations with the European Union (EU) for the country’s membership in the EU.

Released coincidentally with the visit of Günter Verheugen Member of the European Commission responsible from Enlargement the Commission report is welcomed by most Turkish media and political analysts.

Albeit it bears no official responsibility and powers, the commission, comprising of former Heads of State and Government, Foreign Ministers and European Commissioners, is believed to reflect a particular weight of opinion among Europe’s politicians.

Most Turkish political analysts are optimistic that taken together with Verheugen’s positive statements, the Commission report signals that the EU summit would arrive at a positive conclusion for giving a date to Turkey for starting negotiations for membership.

Turkey has every reason for expecting to be welcome in the Union

In their 9 point “conclusion” the Commission members set forth the following arguments concerning Turkey’s membership in the EU:

1. The Independent Commission on Turkey is of the view that accession negotiations should be opened as soon as Turkey fulfils the Copenhagen political criteria. Further delay would damage the European Union’s credibility and be seen as a breach of the generally recognised principle that “pacta sunt servanda” (agreements are to be honoured).Turkey, on the other hand, must accept that fulfilment of the political criteria includes the implementation of all legislation passed by parliament. Accession criteria apply to all candidate countries alike and there can be no shortcuts in individual cases. Equally, fairness demands that no candidate state should be submitted to more rigorous conditions than others. It is incumbent on the European Commission to assess whether Turkey’s compliance with the Copenhagen criteria has reached the critical mass necessary to recommend opening accession negotiations.

2. As far as Turkey’s European credentials are concerned, Turkey is a Euro-Asian country, its culture and history closely entwined with Europe, with a strong European orientation and a European vocation which has been accepted for decades by European governments. In this, Turkey is fundamentally different from countries of Europe’s neighbourhood in both North Africa and the Middle East. Its accession to the European Union would therefore not necessarily serve as a model for the Union’s relations with these states. Any objections in principle against Turkey joining the European integration process should have been raised in 1959 at the time of Turkey’s first application, in 1987 when Turkey applied for the second time, or in 1999 before Turkey was given candidate status. No government can claim that these decisions, including the conclusions of the Copenhagen European Council of 2002 on accession negotiations, were not taken in full knowledge of all circumstances.

3. The decision the European Council is taking in December will not be on Turkey’s membership of the EU, but on the opening of accession negotiations. Their duration and outcome will depend on progress made, in particular with regard to economic criteria and the acquis communautaire. It is expected that this process will take a long time, reflecting the scale of difficulties faced by such a large and complex country and the need for consolidation of the Union following the accession of ten new member states. This interval will present an opportunity for both sides to address the most urgent problems and to mitigate any negative effects Turkey’s accession could have. In other words, by the time a final decision is taken both Turkey and the European Union will have profoundly changed.

4. Turkey’s accession would offer considerable benefits both to the European Union and to Turkey. For the Union, the unique geopolitical position of Turkey at the crossroads of the Balkans, the wider Middle East, South Caucasus,Central Asia and beyond, its importance for the security of Europe’s energy supplies and its political, economic and military weight would be great assets. Moreover, as a large Muslim country firmly embedded in the European Union, Turkey could play a significant role in Europe’s relations with the Islamic world.

For Turkey, EU accession would be the ultimate confirmation that its century-old orientation towards the West was the right choice, and that it is finally accepted by Europe. EU membership would also ensure that the country’s transformation into a modern democratic society has become irreversible, enabling Turkey to fully exploit its rich human and economic resources.

A failure of the Turkish accession process would not only mean the loss of important opportunities for both sides. It could result in a serious crisis of identity in Turkey, leading to political upheaval and instability at the Union’s doorstep.

5. In spite of its size and special characteristics, and although it would unquestionably increase the Union’s heterogeneity as a member, Turkey would be unlikely to fundamentally change the EU and the functioning of its institutions. Turkey’s entry may accentuate existing divergences on the future of the integration process, but it would not cause a qualitative shift in the debate. It should be borne in mind that the decision-making process in the European Union is based on ever-changing alliances, and that the political influence of member states depends at least as much on economic power as on size or demographic weight.

As far as the costs of Turkish membership are concerned, Turkey is likely to require financial assistance from the European Union for many years, the level of transfers depending on the EU’s financial policies and the economic situation in Turkey at the time of accession.

A considerable problem could develop in several European countries in connection with the ratification of an accession treaty with Turkey, should public resistance persist and government policy continue to diverge from popular opinion. This issue must be addressed in a common effort by governments concerned, Turkey and the European Commission.

The best answer to the fears in parts of Europe about Turkey’s different religious and cultural traditions and perceptions of a danger that Turkey could become a fundamentalist Muslim state is to ensure the continuation of the ongoing transformation process, and to protect Turkey’s long-standing secular political system by firmly anchoring Turkey in the union of European democracies.

6. Unprecedented reform efforts undertaken by the Turkish Government and substantial support for EU membership in Turkish public opinion should not hide the enormous task that the ongoing and far-reaching transformation of the country’s legal, political and societal system represents for Turkey. It would be wrong to underestimate the latent resistance to such profound changes in many parts of Turkish society. Sustaining the reform process will to a large degree depend on whether the momentum of Turkey’s accession process can be maintained.

7. Turkey’s economy has traditionally been plagued by macroeconomic instability and structural deficiencies, many of which persist today. But the crisis of 2001 has shown the resilience of the Turkish economy, leading to a swift recovery and to far-reaching reforms of the institutional and regulatory frameworks. It is now of vital importance that the Turkish Government persists with the economic reform process in close cooperation with the International Monetary Fund and the European Union.

In view of the country’s size, geographic location and young and dynamic workforce Turkey’s economic potential is undeniable. It is equally evident that EU membership would be highly beneficial for the Turkish economy, providing a firm link to a stable system. The opening of accession negotiations by itself would considerably strengthen confidence in Turkey’s economic stability.

8. Migration pressure from Turkey, which raises concern in some countries, would depend on several factors, including economic and demographic developments in Turkey and the European Union. Free movement of labour is likely to apply only after a long transitional period, so that governments would retain control of immigration for many years after Turkish accession. Based on the experience of previous enlargement rounds, migration flows from Turkey are expected to be relatively modest, at a time when declining and aging populations may be leading to a serious shortage of labour in many European countries, making immigration vital to the continuation of present generous systems of social security.

9. Turkish eligibility for EU membership having been confirmed on many occasions over the past decades, Turkey has every reason for expecting to be welcome in the Union, provided it fulfils the relevant conditions. The Independent Commission therefore feels strongly that in dealing with this issue the European Union must treat Turkey with all due respect, fairness and consideration.

Members of the Independent Commission

The Commission is made up of Europeans who have previously held high positions in public office. Martti Ahtisaari is the Chair of the Commission. Albert Rohan will act as Rapporteur.

* Martti Ahtisaari (Finland) Former President of the Republic of Finland, 1994-2000

* Kurt Biedenkopf (Germany) Former Minister President of Saxony

* Emma Bonino (Italy) Member of the European Parliament and Former European Commissioner, 1994-1999

* Hans van den Broek (Netherlands) Former European Commissioner, 1994-1999

* Bronislaw Geremek (Poland) Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, 1997-2000

* Anthony Giddens (UK) Professor of Sociology, University of Cambridge

*Marcelino Oreja Aguirre (Spain) Former European Commissioner, 1994-1999

* Michel Rocard (France) Former Prime Minister of France, 1988-1991

* Albert Rohan (Austria) Former Austrian Secretary General for Foreign Affairs, 1996-2001

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