This interview was originally published on the website of the South East European Network for Professionalization of Media (SEENPM) as part of the Our Media project, in which bianet is a partner organization.
Sinem Aydınlı is a research coordinator at IPS Communication Foundation / bianet and a visiting scholar at Kadir Has University, Istanbul. She earned her Ph.D. in the Media and Creative Industries programme at Loughborough University London in 2018, with a dissertation on the discursive construction of “political others” in the press in Turkey. In her doctoral research, she focused on media discourse – specifically “terror” discourse in the media – and how media shapes the cultural politics of emotion.
Sinem served as the editor of the Media Monitoring Database at IPS Communication Foundation / bianet, regularly updated database which systematically documents violations against journalists and the media workers, third-party interventions, and legal proceedings related to freedom of press. She is the author of research studies published by SEENPM including on the future of the media in Turkey “Democratic decline, economic and political pressures, urgency for reforms” (2025) and on self-regulation in Turkey: “Difficult task in suppressed media environment” (2023). These studies were published as part of the Our Media initiative, funded by the EU.
Interview by: Anida Sokol
How did you become a media researcher? Tell us a bit about yourself.
My journey into media research was a natural continuation of my academic work. I wrote my PhD dissertation in media studies, titled Framing Pain: Printed Articulations, Terror, and Political Others in Turkey. The study explored how the dichotomy between “us” and “others” constructed during the early years of the Turkish Republic continues through current media discourse. I analyzed how the suffering of marginalized groups—particularly Kurds—has been either rendered invisible or reframed through the discourse of “terror.” In moments of collective trauma like massacres, Kurdish suffering is often masked by fear-oriented narratives that reinforce their position as “the other” within dominant Turkish identity. After my PhD, I have worked on various research initiatives related to media ownership, media pluralism, freedom of expression, hate speech, and structural issues in the media landscape. Today, I continue this work as Research Coordinator at IPS Communication Foundation / bianet.
What does it mean to be a media researcher?
Being a media researcher means seeking to understand how societies access information and how that information is communicated. Through their studies, investigations, and reporting, media researchers indirectly influence how individuals form opinions. In a way, they are like archaeologists conducting excavations, or cartographers drawing maps—thinkers who generate evidence-based insights about the media. Since media also conveys information about events that individuals do not directly experience, how this transmission/mediation occurs is critically important. Media researchers analyze the nature of this transmission. For instance, they might investigate patterns of media ownership, examine how media discourse perpetuates racism or societal polarization, or highlight human rights violations stemming from hate speech in media. Beyond identifying violations, media researchers also take an ethical and political stance. They reflect critically on how the media should function and often play a guiding role. For example, they can reveal how media contributes to polarization and help make these effects visible. In democratic societies, media researchers can serve as key actors in safeguarding public interest. People need access to diverse sources of information, and these sources must be subject to scrutiny. Media researchers make such scrutiny possible, and through their analyses of the media landscape, they play a vital role.
How important do you think media research is, and why?
Media is a key mechanism shaping how societies access, interpret, and understand information. It plays a central role in public opinion formation. Media ownership, in turn, represents control over this process. For these reasons, media research is immensely important. I believe media research contributes to the creation of a pluralistic, diverse, independent, and free media environment, which is essential for the functioning of democratic systems. In a democratic society, people should be able to access information from multiple sources, question it, and feel empowered to critique power. Media research helps make such pluralism visible and sustainable.
Is media research adequately valued by the media community, the public, and institutions in Turkey? Why?
I would say media research is indeed appreciated by the media community. Journalists’ associations, unions, and rights organizations closely follow the work we do. This is evident both through direct interactions and through the way our reports are cited in various contexts—including academic publications. From an institutional perspective, however, the situation is more complex. While regulatory bodies like RTÜK (Radio and Television Supreme Council – Turkey’s watch dog), BİK (Press Advertising Agency), and BTK (Information and Communication Technologies Authority) are expected to monitor media developments comprehensively, they tend to disregard or even suppress critical reports. Sometimes, our research is not just ignored—it becomes a target. In several instances, websites hosting critical reports have faced access bans. That said, we know that not all institutional actors are dismissive. Some RTÜK members not aligned with the ruling party have read our work, and independent media ombudsperson follow our reports. Feedback from unions and professional journalism organizations is especially valuable, reaffirming the importance of media research among relevant civil actors.
What difficulties do you face while conducting research in Turkey?
One of the main challenges is accessing data. For example, information requests submitted via the Presidential Communication Center (CİMER) are frequently denied on the grounds of “commercial confidentiality,” even when the data requested clearly serves the public interest. Additionally, the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK) has been widely criticized for a lack of transparency, particularly in key indicators like unemployment and inflation. When TÜİK recently removed its inflation basket from its website, it raised serious public doubts about the reliability of its data. Another challenge is censorship and legal pressure on critical journalism. Individuals and institutions sometimes request the removal of critical news coverage. Even bianet’s media monitoring report has faced court-ordered access bans—highlighting a significant regression in press freedom. Moreover, accessing data on minority representation in media is particularly difficult. Turkey officially recognizes only Greek, Armenian, and Jewish communities as minorities, which severely limits the availability of data on ethnic diversity in media. This gap undermines both pluralism and equitable representation.
What are some key findings from recent media research in Turkey that you find important or interesting?
A crucial—if unsurprising—finding from our recent “Our Media” report is the overwhelming pressure by the government on the media. This pressure manifests through regulatory institutions like RTÜK and BİK. The report also shows that legal mechanisms have become increasingly central in restricting media freedom. The so-called “disinformation law,” enacted in 2022, has raised serious concerns about legal repercussions for journalism that critiques or questions the government. These concerns materialize through website bans, censorship via BTK, and escalating legal cases. Another alarming factor is the lack of trust in judicial independence. The prevalence of politically motivated detentions and the perception that courts operate under government influence creates an indirect but powerful form of media censorship. Structural concentration in media ownership is also a key finding. Political and economic monopolies severely limit pluralism and constrain press freedom. Overall, Turkey’s media environment remains polarized and far from being pluralistic. The top media outlets are either pro-government or opposition-to-government-oriented, leaving little room for inclusivity. Still, independent outlets like bianet strive to maintain autonomy from all power centers. Although “alternative media” is often defined in contrast to mainstream or pro-government outlets, bianet prefers to identify as “independent from all power centers.” Lastly, Kurdish media plays a vital role not only in providing news but also in advocating for Kurdish rights and making rights violations visible.
What are the most pressing issues currently facing the media in Turkey?
Legal pressures, prosecutions, and structural dependencies on political and economic power are the most urgent threats to media in Turkey today. As highlighted in the “Our Media” report, the criminalization and imprisonment of journalists under the Penal Code and Anti-Terror Law over the past decade pose one of the most significant threats to the profession. These prosecutions undermine freedom of expression and hinder journalism’s public function. Another major challenge lies in the media sector’s financing models. The concentration of media ownership in the hands of a few large conglomerates leads to direct editorial interference driven by political or commercial interests, severely compromising media independence. Additionally, algorithmic bias—especially via Google—amplifies government-aligned content while restricting the visibility of independent or dissenting voices.
How do you see the future of the media in Turkey?
Media and democracy in Turkey face deep structural challenges, including restrictive legislation, economic instability, and cross-ownership in the media sector. Digitalization has changed news consumption habits, but government control over online platforms has intensified censorship and self-censorship. Public trust in the media is also declining, largely due to perceptions of political bias and lack of editorial independence. Despite this grim picture, I remain hopeful. I believe that the collective efforts of journalists, media organizations, and rights groups will yield positive change over time. To build a freer, more democratic media landscape, we need reforms that safeguard judicial independence, promote media pluralism, enhance transparency, and establish robust self-regulatory mechanisms.
What do you hope to achieve with your research studies?
Through our research and reporting, we aim to capture the attention of relevant stakeholders—policymakers, regulators, and public institutions—and push for action. These studies serve as early warning signals: they raise awareness about threats to freedom of expression and press freedom, and inform both domestic and international audiences. We believe our reports contribute to building a more democratic media environment in Turkey. Each one serves not just as a list of recommendations, but as a data-driven snapshot of current conditions. Recognizing the challenges of reaching relevant institutions in Turkey, we also publish our findings in English to engage EU bodies, international human rights organizations, and journalism networks. Our goal is to make Turkey’s situation visible—and to issue a collective call for solutions. We see these efforts as valuable forms of documentation. In an environment where data is scarce and often manipulated, our desktop research, interviews with journalists and media professionals, meetings with regulators, and focus group studies under the “Our Media” project offer a rich and vital archive. These include in-depth discussions with citizens aged 18 to 65, media professionals, and intellectuals from diverse backgrounds. Ultimately, we see this work as both a meaningful accomplishment in its own right and a vital contribution to the construction of a pluralistic, democratic, and free media ecosystem.
Download the research on the future of the media in Turkey here.
The regional program “Our Media: A civil society action to generate media literacy and activism, counter polarisation and promote dialogue” is implemented with the financial support of the European Union by partner organizations SEENPM, Albanian Media Institute, Mediacentar Sarajevo, Press Council of Kosovo, Montenegrin Media Institute, Macedonian Institute for Media, Novi Sad School of Journalism, Peace Institute and Bianet.
This article was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of SEENPM and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
