During the High Military Council (YAS) meeting in August last year, the senior military officials were changed all together. More importantly, in August 2003, the largest elimination of generals took place since May 27, 1960, and 55 generals were made to retire.
This elimination was the most comprehensive attempt aimed at reducing the power of the army over the system. The most important dimension of this move was to create a command order in line with both the current political power and the global policies of the United States of America (USA). Thus, the USA did not hide that it was pleased with the new command order.
But this restructuring led to a division within the Armed Forces that is deepening every single day. When these divisions did not fit into institutions and discipline, hierarchy and traditions, the "documents" began to be leaked to the media one by one.
The power struggle is being carried out over Cyprus right now. Other scenes of struggle between the officers from the military quarters of the General Staff and Force Commandership and the command order, are northern Iraq and the attitude to be assumed against the political power's "low key Islamization" policy.
Therefore, the problem is not only the disagreement among the armed forces, but the restructuring of Turkey's traditional political power bloc. The real clash is caused by the diameter and depth of the operation being carried out with the support of the Western world.
A certain section within the army sees the continued influence of armed forces over the system as a way to guarantee secularism. They are accusing the command order, and especially General Hilmi Ozkok, the head of the General Staff, for not assuming a more effective attitude toward the Justice and Development Party government, which they see as political Islamists, and for paying "enough attention" to "national interests."
Other calculations!
On the other hand, one may think that General Hilmi Ozkok, who is considered as a "democratic soldier," by the USA, the Islamists and some liberals, has another calculation.
The duty of President Ahmet Necdet Sezer will end in three years, in May 2007. When the parliamentary majority of Justice party lawmakers is taken into account, it seems inevitable that we will have a president crisis in Turkey in three years.
And right at that point, Ozkok is trying to draw a potential president profile that would be acceptable by all circles. Ozkok's style and every behavior confirm this calculation.
Ozkok is trying hard to be "in harmony" with the Justice Party government. For example, as soon as there is the slightest sign of a political or administrational crisis, he meets with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. And he usually does get a result. The government takes a step back on issues that the army objects as a whole.
Tension is lessening
On the other hand, Ozkok is keeping the army "within a constitutional framework." He is denying every document leaked to the media. He never openly objects to the policies pursued by the government. He at least tries hard to save the image.
And when he turns to his back, he gives Sezer as an example. As it is known, Sezer always refrained from assuming a negative attitude toward Ecevit and the 57th government that brought him to power.
It could be said that Sezer became the most independent president toward the powers that chose him. Ozkok is hoping that he can be the next Sezer and win the hearts of his soldier friends who are hurt.
For politics, three years is a long time. But there is no other option; if Ozkok wants to become a president, he has to get enough votes from the parliament. That means, he absolutely needs Justice Party's support. But we do not know what would happen if their flirting starts to bore people!
As a result, in the process of determining Turkey's position within the global structure and the restructuring of the internal relations of the political power bloc, clashes among top officials are interconnected with certain personal calculations. (MY/NM/EA/NM)
