DTK co-Chair Güven Appears Before Judge After 4 Months in Detention
The court has ordered continuation of arrest of DTK co-Chair Güven, who has been kept in detention for four months. The next hearing will be held on July 11.
First hearing of trial of Democratic Society Congress (DTK) co-Chair Leyla Güven, who faces up to 31.5 years in prison, was held at Diyarbakır 9th Heavy Penal Court today (May 16).
Ordering continuation of arrest, the court adjourned the hearing to July 11.
Güven was detained on January 22 due to her social media posts and statements about Afrin operation, and arrested on January 31.
Güven faces up to 31.5 years in prison
Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office has filed lawsuits over 14 statements for the press, funeral and meeting she attended from 2016-2018.
Güven faces from 17.5 to 31.5 years in prison on charges of “founding and managing an armed organization”, “propagandizing for an illegal organization”, “inciting people to attended unlawful rallies and demonstrations”, “being a member of an illegal organization”.
About Leyla Güven
Leyla Güven (born 1964, Cihanbeyli, Konya, Turkey) was mayor of the municipality of Viranşehir in the Şanlıurfa Province of Southeast Anatolia of Turkey, of the former Democratic Society Party (DTP). She was elected in the March 2009 local elections.
The seventh and youngest child of her family, Güven entered into an arranged marriage, in which she had two children, which she brought up alone. In 1980 she moved to Germany for family reasons, returning to Turkey in 1985.
In 1994 she set up the Konya branch of HADEP She was active for several years as the Provincial Woman Branch Chairwoman of Hadep, until the party was dissolved in 2003. This involved numerous brushes with the law. In 2000 she was arrested during a Hadep demonstration.
She was elected Mayor of Küçükdikili, Adana in the 2004 local elections, when she stood as a candidate for the SHP (Social Democratic People's Party (Turkey))
In 2006 she was again in trouble with the law as one of the signatories of the ROJ TV petition to the Danish Prime Minister. In October 2007, she was one of five mayors arrested for expressing solidarity with the arrested mayor Osman Keser.
On 20 May 2008 she was one of the signatories of the “Call for a peaceful settlement of the Kurdish question in Turkey”, published in the International Herald Tribune.
She was appointed a member of the Congress of the Council of Europe in September 2009 and was a key speaker during the Congress Plenary session debate, 14 October 2009, on the situation of local democracy in Southeast Anatolia.
On 24 December 2009 she was detained in a large crack-down of Kurdish politicians. She remained in detention until July 2014. Her trial began in October 2010. Commenting on these arrests, the head of the BBC office in Istanbul suggested that the Turkish prosecutors were "closing down the already limited opportunities for dialogue between the state and its largest minority".
In May 2010 Thomas Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, visited her in prison in Diyarbakir and issued a declaration expressing his concern at the continued detention of so many Kurdish local elected representatives.
In July 2014, after four years of detention, she finally got released with 30 other local elected representatives held in Diyarbakir. (Source: Wikipedia)
An İstanbul court has ordered the arrest of 10 individuals detained in an ongoing terrorism investigation targeting district municipalities governed by the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) in İstanbul.
Following their detention on Feb 11, the suspects, comprising deputy district mayors and municipal councilors, were referred to İstanbul Courthouse, where a court ruled for their arrest.
The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleges that those arrested were involved with the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), an umbrella organization of leftist and pro-Kurdish groups. Prosecutors claim that they participated in the "urban consensus" strategy—an electoral cooperation between the CHP and the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party in last year’s local elections—at the direction of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
A written statement from the prosecutor’s office describes the "urban consensus" as "a structure beyond the DEM Party" and claims that the HDK and the Democratic Regions Party (DBP) are "key organizations managing grassroots mobilization" for the PKK.
The DEM Party introduced the "Urban Consensus" approach ahead of the 2024 local elections. Under the strategy, the DEM did not field candidates in certain İstanbul districts, while some of its members were elected as municipal councilors through CHP lists. In Esenyurt, for example, CHP member Ahmet Özer ran under the "Urban Consensus" and was elected mayor. However, he was arrested in October in a terrorism investigation and removed from office.
Among those arrested yesterday are Üsküdar Municipal Council member Bülent Kaygun, Fatih Municipal Council member Güzin Alparslan, Ataşehir Deputy Mayor Livan Gür, Kartal Deputy Mayor Cemalettin Yüksel, Sancaktepe Municipal Council member Elif Gül, Şişli Municipal Council member Sinan Gökçe, Tuzla Municipal Council member Hasan Özdemir, Beyoğlu Municipal Council member Turabi Şen, Adalar Municipal Council member Nesimi Aday, and an individual identified as İ.P., who is reportedly linked to Beyoğlu Municipality.
What is the HDK?
The Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK) was founded in 2011 as a coalition of labor unions, leftist movements, minority groups, and various rights-based organizations, including women’s and LGBTI+ groups. The HDK describes itself as a platform for democratic opposition and social movements, advocating for broad-based grassroots participation in politics.
The latest arrests come amid a broader crackdown on opposition-run municipalities in İstanbul. In recent months, multiple CHP mayors and officials have been detained, while investigations have been launched into İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu on separate charges. (VK)
Hatay after earthquakes: Changing priorities and problems
As Hatay continues its reconstruction process after the devastating losses of the February 6 earthquakes, housing, education, healthcare, and economic struggles persist alongside new emerging issues.
Saray Street in Antakya town center. (Vecih Cuzdan/bianet)
In Hatay, the province that suffered the most devastation and lost over 24,000 lives in the February 6 and 20 earthquakes, ongoing problems continue to shift priorities.
In the immediate aftermath of the disaster, urgent needs such as tents, food, and drinking water took precedence. As time passed, housing became the primary concern. Tents were replaced by container shelters, and 228,000 people still live in them. However, fundamental issues like healthcare, education, and access to clean water persist. To address the housing crisis, the government has implemented TOKİ housing projects, designated reserve areas, and on-site reconstruction models.
Housing projects and reserve area challenges
Infrastructure and clean water shortages are prominent issues in areas where TOKİ housing projects are being built. Additionally, because these projects are far from city centers, many earthquake survivors are reluctant to move into TOKİ residences unless absolutely necessary.
Those opting for the on-site reconstruction model face a different set of challenges. Due to the high cost of construction in Hatay, the financial support provided by the government—750,000 liras in grants, 750,000 liras in loans, and 40,000 liras for architectural project expenses, totaling 1,540,000 TL—is insufficient to rebuild homes. As a result, homeowners must take on an additional 790,000 liras in debt, along with extra costs ranging from 300,000 liras to 1.5 million liras.
Taking advantage of this situation, some contractors are drafting legal agreements that reflect lower costs on paper, potentially misleading homeowners. Many fail to thoroughly review contract details, which is expected to lead to increasing disputes and lawsuits in the future. If the government or relevant institutions do not intervene, contractor fraud—seen in previous construction projects—may become widespread in the earthquake zone, further exacerbating the hardships of survivors.
Defne Armutlu Neighborhood construction site, Feb 5, 2025. (bianet)
The Ministry of Environment, Urbanization, and Climate Change’s Urban Transformation Directorate has announced that those who fail to obtain construction permits by June 30 will no longer be eligible for grants and loans. This puts pressure on earthquake survivors to quickly sign contracts with contractors, increasing the likelihood of problematic agreements.
Meanwhile, Hatay Metropolitan Municipality’s approved 1/1000 zoning plans are still in the public objection phase, which, if contested, could extend the process into April. Since obtaining construction permits takes two to three months, the June 30 deadline appears unrealistic. Forcing earthquake survivors into such a tight timeline risks depriving them of their housing rights or pushing them into legally questionable, high-cost agreements with contractors.
Education challenges
In districts like Antakya, Defne, Samandağ, and Kırıkhan, some school buildings are still being used by other public institutions. As a result, students are forced to study under worse conditions than before the earthquake. They are expected to be at a disadvantage in upcoming exams, likely performing worse than their peers.
According to Eğitim-Sen’s report, "The State of Students and Education Workers in the Earthquake Zone on the Second Anniversary of the February 6 Earthquakes," school enrollment rates in Hatay have dropped significantly, with the number of students decreasing by 65,248. Ministry of National Education (MEB) data also shows that 6,343 teachers in the region are still living in container shelters.
Frequent power and water outages negatively affect the learning environment. Due to the shift-based education system, students must leave for school in the early hours of the morning while it is still dark and return home late in the evening. Moreover, the cancellation of free school meals for preschoolers—even in the earthquake zone—has worsened the problem of malnutrition among children.
The report underscores the urgent need for the Ministry of National Education to implement policies that reduce educational inequality and swiftly address infrastructure issues.
Cemalettin Tınaztepe Middle School amid rubble in Antakya, Feb 3, 2025. (bianet)
Health issues
Health problems in the earthquake zone remain unresolved. Unregulated demolitions and reconstruction efforts have worsened air pollution, increasing the risk of respiratory diseases. Reports indicate a rise in infant and child mortality, while mental health issues in the region have reached a critical level.
According to the "February 2023 Earthquakes: 2nd Year Report" by the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) and the Health and Social Service Workers’ Union (SES), the uncertainty surrounding the future and life in container settlements have severely impacted the community’s mental well-being. The report highlights widespread psychological distress due to uncertainty, hopelessness, and insecurity about the future. It also points out that critical Community Mental Health Centers—essential for monitoring chronic psychiatric illnesses—are still absent in Hatay’s central districts, Defne and Antakya.
A commemoration event in İskenderun, 2025. (AA)
Small businesses and economic hardships
Small business owners in the earthquake-affected areas are facing severe challenges. The temporary prefabricated markets set up for shopkeepers are expected to be relocated to reserve areas or other locations in the future, forcing business owners to keep changing addresses. This instability risks driving away their customer base and further reducing their income. Many shopkeepers have already left for other cities, while those who remain are becoming increasingly financially vulnerable.
A major uncertainty for local businesses is whether the Ministry of Treasury and Finance will extend the "force majeure" status, initially declared in December 2022 for businesses with an annual revenue of up to 2.5 million TL. Large corporations are less affected by this issue, but if the "force majeure" designation is lifted, small businesses will bear the brunt, leading to significant financial strain and broader socio-psychological consequences.
Antakya town center. (bianet)
Traffic and other urban problems
Following the February 6 earthquakes, certain districts in Hatay experienced a major influx of new residents. Population growth in Erzin, Dörtyol, Payas, Belen, and Arsuz, particularly in İskenderun, has led to new urban challenges. In İskenderun, the daytime population has nearly doubled, making traffic one of the most pressing issues.
Beyond basic needs, the overall emotional state of the population has also been severely impacted. Observers note that people walking in the streets appear visibly unhappy, with expressions of distress. This widespread sense of unhappiness has begun affecting personal relationships and the community’s overall mental health. (AB/VC/VK)